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The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>Cosmopolitan, v. 31, no. 5 (September 1901), p. 538.&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>The Bazaar Building</text>
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                <text>Bosworth, William Welles, 1869-1966</text>
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                <text>Text quoted directly from the Art Hand-Book, Official Handbook of Architecture and Sculpture and Art Catalogue to the Pan-American Exposition. Ed. David Gray. Buffalo, N.Y.: David Gray, 1901. (http://bit.ly/JKxGuD)</text>
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                <text>Situated beyond the Canal at the junction of the Mall and the Midway, and fronting on the Midway, was the only large building outside the main scheme which was built by the Exposition Company. Destined for the exhibit and sale of all sorts of bijoux and souvenirs, the character of the design was studied to express a gaiety and "laisser aller" spirit consistent with the uses of the building. To express this spirit no style in the history of architecture is so well adapted as that of the French trellis-decorated buildings of the epoch of Louis XV, though it is dangerous when not used with restraint, being the expression of a generation renowned for moral decadence. When used as in this instance, where it is merely applied as surface decoration to a building composed with strong structural masses of wall surfaces in their relation to openings and great simplicity of architectural line and silhouette, it has great charm. The groups of children surmounting the balustrade, as well as the decorative bronzed figures in the niches between the windows, are the work of the sculptor Isidore Konti.</text>
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                <text> Photo caption: Bazaar Building. - The style of the Bazaar building comports with its purpose, that of a building designed for the exhibit and sale of all sorts of souvenirs. The architect, William Welles Bosworth, found in the French architecture of the Louis XV period many ideas which he embodied in the decoration of this building with most successful results. Isidore Konti modeled the groups of children surmounting the balustrade and the bronzed figures in the niches between the windows.</text>
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                <text>A large ornate building with domed roof structures, arched windows, and decorative detailing along the façade. Flags fly from the roof, and several people are seen walking and gathering in the open area in front of the building.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/"&gt;NO COPYRIGHT – UNITED STATES&lt;/a&gt;. The organization that has made the Item available believes that the Item is in the Public Domain under the laws of the United States, but a determination was not made as to its copyright status under the copyright laws of other countries. The Item may not be in the Public Domain under the laws of other countries. Please refer to the organization that has made the Item available for more information.</text>
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>Derived from the 1901 map, Plan of the Pan-American Exposition to be Held at Buffalo, New York, May 1 - Nov. 1, 1901, (Plan revised to April 15, 1901). Original map was drawn by C. E. Peltz and published in Buffalo, N.Y., 1901. From the collection of the University Archives, State University of New York at Buffalo.</text>
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                <text> based on information found in John M. Carrère, "The Architectural Scheme," Art Hand-Book, Official Handbook of Architecture and Sculpture and Art Catalogue to the Pan-American Exposition. Ed. David Gray. Buffalo, N.Y.: David Gray, 1901. (http://bit.ly/JKxGuD)</text>
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>Howard, John Galen, 1864-1931</text>
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                <text>The Delineator, v. 58, no. 1 (July 1901) p. 79.</text>
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                <text>On Exposition Grounds</text>
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                <text>EVERY artistic composition, whether it be a picture, a piece of sculpture, or a group of buildings, can be said to have a focus-some Point or dominant feature which serves as a resting-place for the eye. The Electric Tower, by reason of its height and its central position, is such a focus in the midst of the main group of buildings of the Pan-American Exposition. Since this may be called the Age of Electricity, it was fitting that the focal point of the Exposition should be so designed as to afford an opportunity of accentuating that fact by a lavish display of electric power. This display is in the form of a majestic fountain and a scheme of brilliant illumination. The source of the power is Niagara, and this is suggested not alone by the fountain and the basin at the base of the tower, but by various groups of statuary in the wings, which have been designed to symbolize the great bodies of water which are tributary to the stupendous cataract. The following groups occupy the niches at the extreme ends of the curved wings, and are arranged from west to east in order: Lake Michigan, by Mr. Louis A. Gudebrod</text>
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                <text> Lake Superior, by Mr. Philip Martiny</text>
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                <text> Lake Ontario, by Mr. Ralph Goddard</text>
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                <text> Lake Erie, by Mr. Carl E. Tefft. The spandrels of the niche in the south face of the tower and the smaller ones above the arch of entrance on the north side were modeled by Mr. Adolph A. Weinman, under the direction of Mr. Karl Bitter. They represent the four rivers Niagara, Buffalo, St. Lawrence, and St. Clair. The keystones of these arches were modeled by the same sculptor. Another feature of the sculptural embellishment of the tower which deserves special note is the Pan-American escutcheon on the south front of the shaft of the tower, above the water niche. This was modeled by Mr. Philip Martiny and Mr. Michele Giusti. Mr. Martiny was also the sculptor of the torch-bearers crowning the four corners of the terminal pavilions, and of the groups typifying Progress which embellish the pyramidal pylons on the east, west, and north sides of the tower. The groups ornamenting the pylons on the south side adjoining the water niche were modeled by Mr. George Gray Barnard, and typify "The Great Waters in the Time of the Indian" and "The Great Waters in the Time of the White Man." The frieze with children, garlands of fruit, and eagles, beneath the loggia at the top of the shaft, was executed by Mr. Karl Bitter. The Goddess of Light which crowns the tower is the design of Mr. Herbert Adams, and is 16 feet in height. The total height of the tower is 389 feet. The shaft of the tower is 77 ½ feet square at the base and is built with steel framework, the walls being of staff. The colonnades which form the curved wings at the sides of the tower have an extreme width of 255 feet. The promenades on these colonnades afford a fine view of the court and the other main buildings. If one approaches the tower from the north, he may cross a bridge, enter, and take an elevator to the lantern at a level of 252 feet, which commands a superb outlook of the Exposition and the surrounding country. Aside from its function as an observatory, the interior of the tower is made of service to the people by means of restaurants. As regards the architectural design of the Electric Tower, it may be called essentially American. As in the other buildings, use has here been made of classic and Renaissance forms, and certain "influences" may perhaps be pointed out by the critic</text>
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The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>Shepley, George F. (George Foster), 1860-1903</text>
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                <text>Text quoted directly from the Art Hand-Book, Official Handbook of Architecture and Sculpture and Art Catalogue to the Pan-American Exposition. Ed. David Gray. Buffalo, N.Y.: David Gray, 1901. (http://bit.ly/JKxGuD) Sources of the images are noted with each.</text>
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&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                <text>Acetylene Building</text>
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                <text>Bosworth, William Welles, 1869-1966</text>
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                <text>Cosmopolitan, v. 31, no. 5 (September 1901) p. 472.</text>
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                <text>The Acetylene Building, situated on the Mall at the west of the Machinery Building and across the Canal, was built by the Exposition Company for the exhibits of the acetylene industry. Just opposite from the Bazaar Building, it shows an interesting contrast in architectural style. The main structural elements are equally simple and frank</text>
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                <text> ample openings for light give it the museum or exhibit-building character, while the seriousness of the nature of its exhibits is expressed by the reserve with which the ornament is applied in well-defined architectural limits, and the particular nature of the exhibits is made evident to the careful observer in the symbolism of the ornaments themselves. The evolution of lighting methods is worked out in the ornaments around the windows, from the fire-brand below up through the candle and classic lamp to the acetylene burner at the top, while above the cornice are groups of children holding acetylene torches which light the globe by M. Loester.</text>
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                <text>A neoclassical-style exhibition building with ornate detailing stands along a canal or waterway. The structure features large arched windows, decorative reliefs, and a sculpted roofline. Several groups of people are gathered near the entrance and along the walkway.</text>
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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                  <text>The Pan-American Exposition was held in Buffalo, New York from May 1 to November 2, 1901. Buffalo was chosen as the location because of its size (at the time it was the eighth largest city in the U.S. with a population of approximately 350,000) and also because of its well suited railway connections. The grounds spread across 342 acres and were located between Delaware Park Lake to the south, the New York Central railroad track to the north, Delaware Avenue to the east, and Elmwood Avenue to the west.&#13;
&#13;
The Exposition included educational exhibits as well as a Midway. The educational exhibits showcased the latest advancements in technology, most notably electricity. A major feature was electric lighting which utilized hydroelectric power generated in nearby Niagara Falls. Many of the Exposition buildings, including the prominent Electric Tower, were covered in light-bulbs creating a beautiful and unprecedented sight. The Pan-American Exposition also hosted some of the top engine manufacturers of the time. These companies provided “working exhibits” that actually functioned in the day-to-day operation of the Exposition. The Midway at the Pan-American Exposition provided visitors with entertainment and consisted of more than 42 exhibits. Some of the main attractions of the Midway included the “House Upside Down,” “Cleopatra’s Temple”, and the “Foreign Villages.”&#13;
&#13;
The Pan-American Exposition is most widely known as the location of President McKinley’s assassination. On September 6, 1901, while in a receiving line at the Exposition’s Temple of Music, President McKinley was shot twice by anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. McKinley was taken to the Exposition’s hospital where he was operated on by a number of prominent Buffalo surgeons including Roswell Park. The President was then taken to the home of John Milburn, head of the Exposition’s Board of Directors, to recover.  After his condition appeared to improve, McKinley eventually died on September 14, 1901 in the Milburn home due to infection and gangrene from the gun shot wounds.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;Suzanne H. Rodgers, Ph.D. (1939-2017)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Suzanne H. Rodgers, Ph.D. was an internationally recognized scholar, consultant and leader of the field of occupational ergonomics. She received her doctorate in Physiology in 1967 from the University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry in Rochester, New York. After a two-year post-doctoral fellowship in London where she studied the control of blood pressure, heart rate and respiration, she joined the Human Factors/Ergonomics Group at Eastman Kodak Company in Rochester, New York. Working with engineers, medical specialists, psychologists and computer and statistical specialists, Dr. Rodgers spent the next thirteen years studying people at work. In 1982, she left Kodak to start her own ergonomics consulting and training business with the focus on participatory approaches to ergonomics problem solving. From 1982-1988, she taught IE 436/536 “The Physiological Basis of Human Factors” to students of the Department of Industrial Engineering at the State University of New York at Buffalo [now the Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University at Buffalo, SUNY].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dr. Rodgers was a principal author and technical editor for Kodak’s two-volume series, &lt;i&gt;Ergonomic Design for People at Work&lt;/i&gt;, published in 1982 and 1986, and the second edition that was published in 2004. She also wrote &lt;i&gt;Working with Backache&lt;/i&gt; that was published in 1985. She has published a number of important journal articles and position papers in ergonomics and medical journals, and spoke frequently at professional conferences. For many years, she was an important leader and organizer of the Lucien Brouha Work Physiology Symposium.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dr. Rodgers had a profound impact on many ergonomics professionals, hundreds of students and thousands of workers. This collection illustrates some of the many contributions Dr. Rodgers made as a leader and pioneer of the ergonomics profession. It includes samples of her textbooks, journal articles, worksite training syllabi, conference presentations and other professional and personal contributions. This collection also contains examples of her writing, illustrations, and workshop/conference schedules.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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This Item is protected by copyright and/or related rights. You are free to use this Item in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. In addition, no permission is required from the rights-holder(s) for educational uses. For other uses, you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC-EDU/1.0/  </text>
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                    <text>Two Comments by Gail Sher
1. I’d like to thank Jim Hartz, Executive Director of the Poetry Center at SF State, who
introduces this reading (and makes a brief announcement at the end). It was my good
fortune to have his generous, thoughtful support at the beginning of my poetry career.
2. At the beginning of the reading, I mentioned how much I was influenced by
“On Barnaby Jones” by Barrett Watten, which begins:
A jeep pulls up to a house in the woods. A man gets out of
the jeep. The man’s face and what the man is looking at:
blank wall of trees.1
In 1981, when I first read “The man’s face and what the man is looking at,” my mind,
opening, launched an experiment which became my first published book of poetry, From
another point of view the woman seems to be resting (1982) that is now (in 2017) being
developed in a new work2 as a series of “plays without the play”—think of stage
directions for an improv (all the dialogue made up on the spot).
That “opening of mind” from the bits &amp; pieces of another artist (such that a whole new
way of using language suddenly appears) reminds me of Diebenkorn—his response to
Matisse for example. He felt, he said, that he could go on “endlessly exploring” a certain
idea, and he did. He worked that way as I have throughout my career. So I’m very
moved to realize that something that influenced my first book of poetry is still having an
effect thirty-five years later.
22 April 2017

1
2

Watten, Barrett. Frame (1971-1990). Sun &amp; Moon Press, 1997, p. 203.
Mary’s Eyes (planned for publication in late 2017).

�</text>
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                    <text>DAVID L. SHEIDLOWER

Miming the Phrase
Review of (As) on things which (headpiece) touches
the Moslem by Gail Sher (San Francisco: Square Zero
Editions, 1982).
Gail Sher places an incredible weight in each phrase
of this book. They are phrases mostly, the discreet
&amp; seemingly incomplete units which make up this
short book. I find the weight in the phrases, not
on them; they are not burdened, rather each has
its own volume &amp; density, can attract the phrases
around them or be inert and integral. Take the
phrase: “Tubers &amp; iron/even to prepare/this.” From
their natural state, both the vegetable &amp; the mineral
are prepared by heat, in that sense they’re even (or
equal). Very dense consistencies also. Then the
“this” which, locating only itself (i.e. not subordinate
as in “this thing here”) pulls down on the three words
above it &amp; the question is not “even to prepare this
what?,” but can the middle phrase double itself?
Rather than one incomplete phrase, there are two
phrases here, with “even” meaning “as well” and
“equal” simultaneously.

70

�A line by itself reads: “Mime is first”; and yes the
words are, at first reading, gestures of phrases. Like
a mime (on a still, empty stage) pretending to be
thrown forward by the short stop of a bus he’s not
riding on, these phrases imitate the motion of
phrases in a context, but are surrounded by white
space &amp; make their own sense: “Dawns or/parson.”
The next line is “Or go god,” That’s a real choice in
this poem which invites speculation on whether or
not religious characters (specific &amp; general): “monk”,
“god”, “nun”, “Christ”, “the Moslem”), religious
actions (vowing, chanting, renunciating, gracing)
&amp; religious imagery (“the/shepherd”, “The wooly
flesh”) can maintain their religious meanings in such
undevotional as well as non-moralistic phrases. And
of course they can if you let them.
The poem is not didactic, offers choices. Hence, the
only pronunciation is a handful of parentheses at
the beginning which sets the mood for the optional:
“Saw (too) to/cling here”; take or leave either “to” or
“too” or both. Some phrases end with “this” or begin
with “As,” attracting surrounding phrases (but there
is no syllogistic sense which definitely connects any

71

�two phrases and hence the connections are optional).
The poem offers the choice between action and
being: “A rung or yelling,” “The grit or/hear”; but
wonderfully &amp; conscientiously blurs the distinction
between the two “As hover from the/elbows is
something/growing.” And so the distinctions
between mime and the actual are blurred.
Berkeley, 1982

72

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                    <text>HOW(ever)

------------~/\~--------------------Vol. I, No. 1, May 1983

Editor: Kathleen Fraser

Associate Editors: Frances Jaffer, Beverly Dahlen
Contributing Editors: Rachei Blau DuPlessis, Carolyn Burke

WHY HOW(ever)?
And what about the women poets who were writing
experimentally? Oh, were there women poets writing
experimentally? Yes there were, they were. They
were there and they were writing differently and a
few of them were chosen and did appear in the magazines for people writing in new forms. And then
several women began to make their own experimentalist magazines. What about that? Well, they read
each other. But we hardly ever heard about their
poems where I was sitting listening. You mean in
school? I mean where poems were being preserved
and thought about seriously and carried forward as
news.
And the women poets, the ones you call experimentalist, were they reading Simone de Beauvoir?
Firestone? Chodorow? Irigaray? Some were. They
were reading and they were thinking backwards and
forwards. They were writing to re-imagine how the
language might describe the life of a woman thinking and changing. And the poetry they were writing
wasn't fitting into anyone's anything because there
wasn't a clear place made for it.
They must have felt displaced. Yes, they must
have. They must have felt unreal. Unrealized. Effaced. Did they know it? Yes, they knew it. Did they
talk about it? Yes, they talked about it. We were sitting in a writing group two years ago and we talked
ab&lt;;&gt;ut it. One year ago, we were sitting there talking
about it. Last summer, I was walking around talking
to myself about it and feeling displaced and I wrote
to one of my scholar friends and asked her about it
and she said you are right. There is this gap. But perhaps we don't know how to acknowledge something,
how to think about something, unless it resembles
what w~s already there. I thought of Dickinson. I
thought of Stein. Woolf and Richardson. Slashes,
anarchies, sentences, disruptions. I was listening and

I said to her, but if we could somehow talk to you
and tell you about us, would you be interested? Yes,
she said, I would be interested.
•
HOW(ever) proposes to make a bridge between scholars thinking about women's language issues, vis-a-vis
the making of poetry, and the women making those
poems. HOW(ever) hopes to create a place in which
poets can talk to scholars through poems and working notes on those poems, as well as through commentary on neglected women poets who were/are
making textures and structures of poetry in the tentative region of the untried.
-Kathleen Fraser
A vehicle for experimentalist poetry-post-modern
if you will, to be thought of seriously as an appropriate poetry for women and feminists. The poetry
feminists usually eschew, believing that now is the
time for women to write understandable poetry
about their own lives, and with feeling, with the
heretofore undeveloped self in prominent display.
But the myths of a culture are embodied in its
language, its lexicon, its very syntactical structure.
To focus attention on language and to discover what
can be written in other than traditional syntactical
or prosodic ~tructures may give an important voice
to authentic female experience. Certainly one should
be read side-by-side with the other.
Unhappily, most feminist publications have ignored the experimentalist work which women are
writing now and have been writing since early in the
century. And unhappily, most publications of "new"
writing have had little interest in feminist language
issues, although some of the women who appear in
them have written brilliantly and movingly about
their lives as women. We want to publish an excep.. tion, however.
-Frances Jaffer

�WORKING NOTES FROM GAIL SHER:

Virginia Woolf said something about words having
auras. Poets place them in sequence. I would say
about the vibrations of a word that poets order them
according to their similar intensities. Also interested
in concentration as it releases energy in language.
Addressing not the conscious understanding but the
intelligence of contained experience.

Also as a child she had
wanted to eat
Also as a child she had
wanted to eat.
Without particular motive
(to be) on her own crossing
the street on her own or
going through the door
making an effort to buy
food.

•

Always with amount of energy
she could spend with that
person (son) or even possibly
some other people.
Even simply listening. Not
to but that that had
already occurred .

urg~d

•

5

�Seen by the other people
(during) the day or sometime
during the course of the
day (the driver) calls out
something.
To be phased by this. To
appear calm but actually
to imagine herself
quarreling .

•

Intense expression in
striving for something
(intake) of food
(inheritance) of
something.
Having asked for something
to eat (in) one process
to eat one (particular)
part.

•

In bed for example (always)
perpetuating (striving) in
the midst of any room.
Which (she) as a lonely
person appreciated.
Avenues and walking with
such &amp; such emotion (buses)
where they seem needed .

•

6

�Reversing her terminology
and tendency to want
something from·him. (To)
supply food here. (Not)
to move or feel like moving.
With others like her
in the same mood (hiding)
something received from
her.
Delicate relation to her
(discerned) (quarter) of
mind.

•

Children &amp; events of the
day enter her mind. Once
while eating (in) quiet
manner of saying something.
Or being in a hurry to get
somewhere. Arrangement of
food at (moment) of giving
it to her.

By Gail Sher: As on things (which) headpiece touches the Moslem,
Square Zero Editions, 1982. From another point of view the woman
seems io be resfing, Trike Press, 1983. Available from Small Press
Distribution, 1784 Shattuck Ave.; Berkeley, California 94709.
7

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Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>•

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�'l'J! ; PALSimOODS OF HO:JS"'O~: Cll!'.llil .HT,ADI

----------------------- -

•

)

�J
P R E FA CE

During tho earlier part of tho year 1892 appeared a book
callod "Wagner As I Know Him".

~'he

author was Ferdinand

Praog or , who had diod during tho previous year.

The book was

brought out undor unusual and remarkable circumstances, which
are clearly set forth in the second chapter of this volume; and
as a result a certain number or errors appeared in it t hat ought
never to have seen print; and tho text of t he letters of
to Praoger that appeared 1n it was not reliable.

~·r.

agner

Houston

Stewart Chamberlain was apparently anxious to ingratiate himself
Tlith tho members of tho r aener fnnily, who wore knom t o have boon
annoyed by certain things 1n Praeg or's book; he found it expedient
to ignore the real circumstances of the publication, and used the
defects of the book as a basis tor making the bitterest and most
vindictive a ttack on the whole book

and

on Prner,er's character.

He had no hesitation whatever in deliberately obscuring and d istorting tho truth whenever it happened to suit him, in doing which
he resorted to tho most donnright falsehoods.

This book is an

eXposure or his calculated and obstinate attempt to exhibit
Praeger as being in all respe.c ts a worthless parson, a nd to dis credit entirely all tho true t hingo that Praogor had

v~itten

about

;.agner; and as such I submit it to all who cnro for justice •
..hile 1nvosti ;at1ng t ho various points at issue, I somot1I:ios
found it convenient to draw up tho evidence concerning a single
point in a formal document that was complet e in itself , and some-

�'

2

timos to do the same ree arding the evidence I obtained trom
others .

Various

su~h

documents have boon included without

alteration, 1n ordor to simplify the treatment or a complicated
subject; it often aoamed a botter way or making tho evidence
clear to tho reader than morol y working tho substance or t h em
into tho body or tho text.
With the exception of ono point (see Chap: 8) I MUst leave
Glaaenapp's defamation or Praegor to be dealt with in a later
volume.
I

muat express my moat grateful thanks to my mother for her

constant help

and

criticism while .I was writing this volume.

also return my best thanks f or their kind help to I rs. Forman
( II

Alma L!urray").

l/Jl'S.

r.oonio l&gt;dwards and Mr. \" 1lfrod Praeger .

-----------------

I

�CHAPTER

I.

FERDIUAND PHAEGER

----------------Ferdinand Prnogor, tho son ot a professional musician, was
born on Jan . 22nd, 1815, at Leipzig.

I t in not necessary to go

into details of his family and his descent hero, as in viow of
Houston Stewart Chamberlain's amazing and amusing statement that
Praeger was a Jew, the sUbject must be considered 1n a lator
chapter .
Praogor came or a Dutch family, and throughout his lifo he
spoke Dutch as easil y and fluently as Gorman.

His mastery or

Engl ish became quito unusual for a foreigner, avon ono settled 1n
England, and he also learned to spoak French fluently.
Praoger, who numbered John Iluss among hill ancestors, was
or iginnl ly intended f or tho ministry or the Protestant church.
His attont1on was, however, soon turned to music and literature ;
he received lossona on tho 'cell o, for which ho shoTied obvious
talent; but tho ' collo gave way to tho piano.

Hummel hoard him

1mprov1ao, and sllid to his father "Send me that boy and I will
make a great pianist out of him, his touch ia somotbina exceptional . "
In the Musical Standard of 1891 (p. l 93) 111'. \'l1lfred Praoger

wrote aa foll ows about his father :- "It ia not recorded that
Hummel received him as a pupil, and in any case it could have boon
but for a short while, as tho boy was sont to Lubeck, whore he
remained until his sixteenth yoar, studying composition and work-

�2

ing hard at the piano and violin.

It is said that during his

residence at Lubeck his appetite for literature was such that he
read every book conta1nod in the librari es of the town . "

Inci-

dentally I can bear testimony to hi3 being an exceptionally wellread man, and one who gave tho i mpression of being unusuall y well
educated.
In 1831 he went to his father's country (Holland) and began
to teach mus ic at the lla{;ue.

Here he became a life- long friend of

J loys Schmidt , to Whom he afterwards dedicated one of his compositions , a caprice .
he came to Engl and .

In 1834, wishi ng to appeal to a larger world,
He settled in London, which booamo his

domicile for the rest of his days .

His ambition was to make hi s

name as a composer; but havi ng no pr1vato means at all (he was
tho thirteenth of 24 children, the first 14
had to devote most of his time to teaching.

be~

all boys), he

He enjoyed the

friendship of Spohr, l:oscheles (to whom ho dedicated on Impromptu)
and Al oys Schmidt .

In the year 1849 he married l'llo. Leonie

Baziro of Paris.
Praoger had been struck by the fact that 1n cyclic works
(symphonies, sonatas etc . ) the various movements seomod sometimes
to bear too l ittle relation to each other, or even seemed to be
incongruous.

He was fond or quoting the scherzo or Beethoven's

so- cal led Uoonlight Sonata a s boing too light, ono might almost
say frivolous, 1n comparison with the other two profoundly serious
movements, a feeling that most good musicians share .

As a r emedy

ho proposed t ho unification of the movements of a cyclic work by

�3

means of leading thomas.

thus an advocate of the "Lei t
•
motiv" long beforo \'ognor had made known his views on the
subject .

-

-

-

Praeger ' s

Ttr1t ten

-

-

He

TillS

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

A sonata of

on tho Leit-motiv principle was greatly praised

by lloscheles.
To quote nga1n trom

~·r.

li'il.fred Praegor's article:- "In 1844

ho assisted his friend r•ax von Vlobor to bring about the removal
of tho remains of Carl 1 aria von l eber frOM the Chapel in l!oorfiolds t o tho family vault 1n Dresden,

~agnor

assisting 1n the

arrangements on the Continent . "
In tho year 1842 Schumann chose Praeger to represent in

London tho "U&amp;uo Zoitsohrift fur

l~usik",

with which journal he

remained connected during the rest or h i s life.
autograph lottor was 1n the possession or

l~e .

(Noto:Sehumann's
Leonie Praeger

after her husband's death, and is now 1n possession of
).

And having ncquired n considerable mastorJ

of English, he began to write criticnl articles for English journals, and later for the Now York

~sical

Review (oldor series).

He wrote at first in the "Northern Whig" and "English Gentleman",
and later on he became a regular contributor to tho "Jr-usical
Standard" .

In tho "English Gentleman" or October 1845, he wrote

in praise or \?98ner 1 s ' Tonnhausor', of which he had soon t h o first
performance in Germany; this nrtiole is noteworthy as being t ho
first one printed in England which pressed forward tho right of
\"lngnor to consideration as an eminont composer.

1/

And durins the

---------------------------------------------------------¢ Somo years earl ior thoro wero brief roferonces to "Rienzi" in
some English newspapers (A. B. VI . 436- 7).
oxtract from Praogor's article .

See appendix for an

�4

rest of his life Praegor woo Wagner's chiof champion 1n England ;
but for many years tho causo gained ground slowly, and brought
Praoger much abuse and unpopularity.
In

1854, when Sir Michael Costa resigned the conductorship

of tho Philharmonic Concerts, Prnoger suggested Wagner's naxno f or
tho conductorship to Sa1nton (see p.

)•

The upshot \'las the

Society's invitation t o Wagner to conduct the concerts of 1855.
Y:agner had known about Praegor evor since tho latter had helped 1n
1844 1n the matter of bringing the remains of Carl Varia von \1ober
back to Germany; and 1n his first letter (of 8 .1.55) to Praeger
(p . 222 of

11

\7agner As I Knew

H1mu)

he relates how, ton yoars

before, August Roeckol had read to h1m Praoger ' s article on
"Tannhauser" from tho "English Gentleman".

Praegor off ered

Wagner tho use of his house in London, which Wagnor accepted,
"until I have found a suitable apartment. "

On 'larch 5th. Wagner

arrived at the Praegers' hous e in Wilton Stroot.

After a few

days he fowxl that ho must havo a place of his own, where he could
be alone and undisturbed, 1n order to resume his work during the
mornings, so a bedroom ond study wore found f or h1m very near to
tho Praegera ' , and

Regent's Park.

overlook!~

regular r outine for him, after

h~.s

But it was a

morning ' s work and thon a walk,

to have lunch at Praegor's nnd apond t ho root of t ho day at their
house, which was his real homo 1n London .

In their house a room

was set apart ent1roly ror his use if he wished to be alone or
take rest.
friend

~ r.

In

a long letter of

l~e.

Leonie Praoger to her ol d

Beale (printed in tho Kent County Examiner and Ashford

�5

Chronicle of Jan. 6 , 1893), she refers to Wagner as follows: "He had always so much to nay and discuss with Ferdinand that the
hours flew, and the days seemed hardly long enough.

What with

their respective occupations and their long discussions, with the
exception of t he short timo they devoted to sleep, they did not
l ose a minute .

It \vas indeed a busy time, a beautiful time, to

be ever remembered

and

cherished."

Vlagner becarrte godfather to the.
kn0\1

Pra~gers'

con Richard; and I

(ft•om the fact that Wagner was godfather to my own sister

Eva) that he would only have stood godfather to a child if he
•

regarded its parents as be 1ng r eal friends .

It was tollarda the

end of Wagner 1 a visit to London in 1855 that t;me . Praeger heard
;·;agner tell her husband "that he had met no one yet who had dono
s o i n everything as ho did . "

f5

And from that very

understendit~B

sprung so fast a friendship that absence and even dlence between
them did not alter it.

They knew each other and were satisfied.

Events of later years rendered Perdinnnd somewhat silent - Wagner
knew why - but their old love was ever alive , and Ferdinand's
devotion never flagged .

To his conviction he sacrificed his own

fame, made himself enemies, alienated all critics of that time and
since .

During the many years that tho war against Wagner raged,

Ferdinand stood at first entirely alone."

(Letter to Mr. Deale,

see above).

This friendship wan fostered by correspondence, by Praeger 's .

f5 See Chapter v.

�I

6

visits to Zurich , l.!unchen, Lucerne and Bayrouth, and by Wae;ner 1 s
visit to Engl and in 1877, when the l atter mado his famous spaech
about Praeger in proposing the toast of Prae6er 1 s health.
In 1882 Praa6er went to h ear "Parsifal" 1n Bayrouth, where

he saw Wagner for tha last time.

\".'h en Wagner died, Praegor was

too much overcome to be able to go to the runoral .
In his biographi cal article Mr . 'Ni lfrod Praeger centioned

that in his youngor days his father met Sponti ni i n Paris, and thai
l ater he became intimate nth Hector Berlioz and the Abbd Liszt .
He al so become a good friend of Von Bulow, and lmew t ho s tory of
Cosima trom both sides ( Von Bulow' s and Uagners) .

And he knew how

unjust Cos1l'!la could be to the n emory or \7agnor 1 s first uifo l&amp;inna.
~~' .

Wilfi•od Praegor mentioned 1n his b1oaraph1cal notice that

among Pr aegor 1 s more reoont pupila Ttere l.:adamo de Pachmann, Herr
Schonberger and ·r. Alfred Joftery, organist of Al bany Cathedral.
And at the end he added tho following paragraph: - ·
"In 1851, Messrs. Cr ame1• and Beale commissioned r·r . Praeger
to

compo~o

an opera, but

~r.

Beale dying before t he commission was

begun the wor k was lett unwritten.

Among the most recent

s cri pts are tho thor.tes for an opol'a which Ur . Praoger
•
1ng to a libretto by l'r . Sutherl and Edwards."
Unhappily Praeger suffered

~rom

\1tl.S

1!18nU-

compos-

a good deal of illness during

tho last tr.o 7ears or his life, and he had to undergo two operationa.

lie d ied on Sept . 2nd . 1891 at his rosidonce, "Lansdowne",

23, Brackenbury Rd . Shepherds 1 Bush.
Green Cemetery.

------------

He was bur:t.ed in Kensal

Appended i s a notice or s ome of Praeger's works , both musical and
literary .

�'r

~1e

time

following works of Praeger were published in his life-

(Noto : I Dhall be glad of any additions to the list. H.C.):Praeger Album.

This was in 2 volw.1es# oach volume contain-

lng 24 pieces for piano solo.

The first volume was dedicated to

Jdward Roeckel, t he second to n.r•• Mosely.
C. F. Kahnt in Leipzig.

It was published by

Of the copy that Praegor gavo to my

father the firs t volumo is inscribed February 1880, and the second
volume l'arch 1880 .
5 Songs of Hei ne Set to lludc.

)
)
)
)

3

II

II

,;. Geibel

6

n

It

llicolaus Lonau set to music . )

11

II

Those songs wore all published by Wilhoh! Jo'I'Yien in Htuti&gt;urg;
my rather's cop1os boar on tho front pago a stamp of Cramer's, who
apparently sold thom in London.
A Lamentation for Piano .

Published by r.ookes.

This was

written for tho French Charities in London# and was dedicated by
permission to tho l'rincess of Wales (later Quoon Alexandra) .
A Number or Piocos for Pianoforte Solo , of varying degrees of
difficulty# published by Cr amer , Beale

Co .

�8

The following are the public performances of Prneger's more
important works, in so far as I have been able to trace t hem:ORCHESTRAL
An

OVerture (sometimes called Symphonic Prelude 2 to Byron,' s
"Manfred".

Performed under August .Yanns at the Crystal Palace

on 8 . 12. 1888 and 17.4. 1880 .

I t was also performed at

Birmingham and in Germany.
An

Overture "Abel lino".

Performed under Hector Berlioz at tho

New Philharmonic Concerts.
A S:ymphon1c Poem "Life• and Love".

Performed under August Manns

at the Crystal Pal ace during the year 1885.
A Fantasia (later called SY!Phonic Poem) in F.

This was perform-

ed under August Manns at the Crystal Palace on Nov.27th.l886.
I t was repeated under Henschel at St . James ' s Hall on Jan .
27th. 1890 (on which occasion I was present.
CHA14BER MUSIC WORKS
Quartet in A. Major . At a Concert of the National Society of Professional Musicians in tho Town Hall of Birmingham on Jan. 4t h .
1887 .
Romance for Violin and Pianoforte.

At a concert of the s ame on

Jan. 6th. 1887 .
A Later Piano Trio .
Or chestra, and
A PiWlo Trio.

Per formed at tho first concert of tho London

se~eral

times r epeated .

Performed at t he Me1n1ngen Festival of the United

German J.!usicians in 1868 .
Piano Sonatn No . 32!.

Performed on Feb . 1st. 1892 .

of t his 1s to be found in the "Monthly Journal" •

A criticism

�9

A concert or Ferdinand Praeger's works was given at l!essrs.
Collard &amp; Collard on llov. l Oth. 1885.
Praeger left behind

~

a large number of compositions includ-

ing a Cantata "Yagdalena", some orchestral pieces, 25 quartets, 36
piano sonatas and many songs and pianoforte pieces.

The copyright

or the great bulk of his compositions passed into tho hands of a
wealthy patron,who however did .not publ ish them.
I t deserves to be recorded that Praeger read a papor hefore tt
Society of Arts on "The FUsion or the Romantic and Classical School
of Music" • He also r oad the following throe papers before t he
Uusioal Association:On t he Repetition
On Form.
On St yle.

of Parts 1n Classical Form on Nov. 6 . 1882.
II
Peb . 4 . 1884.
II
•1ar .1 . 1886 .

He also translated Naumann's "History of Music" from Gorman
into English .
In

conclusion, I would express the hope that some day the bas•

of Praogor 1 s musical articles 1n English journals ma y be collected
1n a volume .

An interesting second volume would bo a collection o:

__ ____

his best articles from tho "Neue Zoitschrift".
, ....._

Noto. Tho following appearod 1n an article in"The Artist" (1 . 9. 91 )
"Long boforo any or Wagner's uorks were kno11ll 1n this oo'lmtry,
Mr . Praegor had used tho leit- motiv as tho basis of his compositia
and 1n looking through some of his earliest works it is almost
impossible to conce!ve that they were written before Wagner's
theories were hoard or. "

�10

CHAPTER

II .

l .

The facts concerning tho writing by Ferdinand Praeger of his
book "Wasn:er As I Knew Hlm11 , related by . Praoaer 's wife L6onie
in the Uusical Standard or April 21, 1894.
"About a yoe..r after the death of Wagner (1883) J.:r . Praegor waa
commissi oned to write

11

VIo.gnor As I Knew ll!m" in English.

Thnt

occupied in all about two years (see note at end. R. C.), leaving
Praeger's hands at once and f or good ~ having been dospatched,al
S1
written, to its purchaser. Mr . Ellis will see tho force of this
1~ .

statement since it disposes of sevoral of his insinuations.

When

the work was in its owner's possession he desired to have some
of the original letters .
be limited to 20

letters ~

the book, woro sent .

He stipulated that tho transfer should
and

20~

with a slight scrap not 1n

I know what I am writing

intimately concerned in the transaction.
the book was addressed to me .

about ~

for I was

The longest letter in

That wns my property.

Thinking

that the hol dor of the 20 would like to possess this unique French
specimen by l'lagner I offered it to him.

Be courteously replied

that he had plenty and did not want any moro .
tion why

~r .

ThAt is the explnna·

'

Chamberlain did not find in the possession of the

hol der of the 20 tho whole of the letters in the book.

That very

l etter in French was transferred by me to the late honorary
~

Ashton Ellis, editor of the Uoistor (tho organ of the London
Branch of the WagnorSociotv) had attacked Praeger 1 s book in a
series of articles 1n tho T'llusical Standard"

�11

secretary of the London Wagner SOci ety.
Shortly after the English book had been completed and some
of the l etters had boon

~rtod

with, Mr . Praeger, at the wish of

the owner of the English nnnuscript, pr epared a Gorman edition,
whil e I prepared one

~.n

Fronoh.

First, as roBards the English: The copy made for the owner,
Which I presume he sent to the publishers, is in my hnndwriting,
as is also the original English now 1n my poss sssion and from
which tho tran3lations \'lore made .

As

regards tho French, the copy

made for the owner is in my handwriting as wel l as tho original
now in my possession.
Coming to t he German, Jfr Pr aoger, havi%16 nbout him no one vlho
knew German, was his own translator, whether from the English into
German, or originally from German (Wagner ' s lottors) i nto English.
He did it all himself, nnd the copy sent to tho owr.cr and from
which I presume tho Oermnn printers set up tho type is 1n his
handwriting, tho only copy over existing.
l!r .

Ellis fUrther asks

tho author ' s death?"

11

1/ns the English book 1n type before

No, certainly not.

"If not, "ho corrected

the proofs: and Vlho devieod the headli nes, etc?"
onl y tho publishers coulrl answer this.

I should say

Most assuredly Mr .

Praoger 1 s family nover saw any proofs, and , strange though it may
seem to

~r .

Ellis, only know of its publication by seeing press

announcemen~s

of it, nnd by subsequentl y recoivi nc n presentation

copy throu&amp;h the courtesy of the publishers.

Precisely similar

r emarks appl y to tho Gorman odition, with the exception that no

�12

presentation copy was sent to me.

Indeed, up to t h e present

day, I have not even seen a copy of the German edition .
"llhy was the l''l'ench version never published?" aeain asks
Mr . Ellis.

That can only be answered by its owner.

"Wh y were both books (English and German) kept back unt il
t he author had de parted this life? " is another query by Mr.
Ellis.

To this as to t he above I can only answer "t he i r ovmer

alone lalows . "

He had had both manuscripts i n his possessi on

years before they were issued to the publ ic.
From the a bove i t will be clearly seen that typographical
errors cannot be laid to t he door of Mr . Praeger, although Llr.
Ellis has gone out or his way again and again to point out such
inaccuracies.

But t h ese explanations relieve r r . Praeger of

more i mportant insinuations.
Mr . Praeger v1as bound by contract to complete a GerMan
version by a certain date.

As I have already stated some 20 of

t he original letters had b een parted with after t he English book
vras finished and bef ore t he corranission for t ho German was given.
At t he time JAr . Praeger was writing t he German, t he owner of
these letters was some t housands of miles away.
f ulfil his contract

b~.

In order to

Praeger evidently rendered the English

l etters back into German.

Had the orig inals been in h is

possession or obtainable in any way, undoubtedly thoy would have
been inserted.

Mr . Praeger had nothi ng to gain by such a course

but everything to lose, both time and trouble.

Had t ho German

proofs been sent to Mr . Praeger when alive, or to his f amily

l

�13

after death, most assuredl y t he originals 'f1ould have been subs tituted for the German f r om the Engl ish.

I cannot but express

surprise that ne ither the publishers nor the ovmer acquainted
the family with the projected publication.

llote on p. 10.

Praeger presumably began his book with the

preface dated June 15, 1885; it must therefore have b een finished
(j

during 1887 .

Lord Dysart consequently must have kept the MS .

of the English version some 4 years before publishing it.

¢

If the preface was

v~itten

finished during 1885 .

last, the book must have been

�14

-

2.

Thus far Mme . Leonie Praeger; but as some ill- natured
people might r egard her ovidence as baing biassed in favour of
her husband, it wil l be best to add independent evidence on the
subject .

My mother, Anna Cyriax, wrote out the following state¢
ment of the circumatancas:Mr . Ferdinand Praeger, whose pecuniary circumstances at the
time were not affluent, had made a contract with Lord Dysart
(president of the London branch of the Wagner Society) .

The

letter had asked Praeger to write his recollections of Wagner
for him, offering a sum of money for doing so; Praeger accepted
his offer, and bound himself to supply a certain amount of manu-

scr ipt to Lord Dysart each month until the book should be completed.

In this MS. were to be included copies of Wagner's l etters to

Praeger as references to Praeger' s narrative, and in order to complete the wor k; these letters however had been sold some time
previously by Praegor to Lord Dysart, so that Praeger himself no
l onger had the originals.

\v.hile Praeger was writing the book,

Lord Dysart went abroad on a long tour, and was for some time
inaccessible to Praege1•, t:ho letters from Vlagner being in a safe
in Lord Dysart's private residence.

During Lord Dysart's absence

Pr aeger had to ful fil his contract of supplying a certain amount

p

This document, entirely 1n her ovm handwriting,
be produced for inspection in a court of law if
al so the one by Mrs . Forman that is g iven next,
other documents in my mother ' s writing relating

can of course
desired, as
and also all
to the ease.

�15

of manuscript each month, which was duly sent to the person
entrusted by Lord Dysart but whose name I do not recollect .

In

consequence of Lord Dysart's absence, Praeger found himself in a
dilemma as regards the letters of Wagner to himself, for he could
not obtain copies of them during Lord Dysart's absence either
for the purpose of verifying certain points in his narrative
referring to times long past, or of making copies of them for
inclusion in his book.

He had with him, however, translations

of them into English, and in order to fulfil his contract and
complete the manuscript he re-translated them into German as best
.

he could, leaving it to Lord Dysart to check his re- translation
by the originals later on when he returned to England.
Dysart, hoVIever, soon after l'raeger's death sent the

Lord
MS. without

revision of any kind to a publisher, and Praeger having died in
the meantime never saw the proofs, and never even had a chance
of putting the manuscript in order, nor did his family know
anything of Lord Dysart ' s intention until the book was actually
published.

The letters vmich Praeger had tried to reconstruct

as a purely temporary measure were never checked against the
originals , nor was any effort made to revise an unrevised manuscript .
Mr . Praeger was a great friend of our family, and Praeger
often discussed with my late husband Mr. Julius Cyriax (member

%

and for a time Honorary Secretary of the Wagner Society) in my

¢

i . e . , of the London Branch of the Wagner Society.

�,
16
hearing and on many occasions, the embarrassment into which he had
been brought by Lord Dysart ' s absence.
Praeger died 2nd. Sept . 1891, and his book was published Fob .
16th. 1892 by Longmans (7/6) .
On page 279- 280 of Praoeer ' s book i s given the text of a
l etter written by \'IQ8ner 1n Pl'9nch to Hrs . Praeger.

The oriei nal

of this letter is in the pos session of my son Dr . Edgar F . Cyriax .
Anna Cyriax.
April 1932 .
Further, !'rs . Forman ("Alma Murray") , widow of the late
Alfred Forman (who translated the "Nibelungen Ring" into English
alliterative verse, and who also translated into English various
others of Wagner's librettos), wrote out t ho following statement
in confirmation of my mother's account:49, Come1•agh Road, \lest Kensington, W. l 4.

"I have read t he original manuscr!pt, dated April 1932, in
r.:rs . Anna Cyriax' s own handwriting, gi ving an account of cortain
circumstances relating to the publication of t he late Ferdinand
Praeger's book "Wagner As I Knew Him", and more especially the
difficulties arising from Lor d Dysart's absence from England .
Accordine to my recollection, it gives an accurat e account of the
circumstances .

I

would add that I hearcl t he sub ject discussed at

l ength, on several occasions, between my late husband,
Forman, and

~~r .

~·r.

B. L. l!osely, both of' whom were honorary members of

¢

the committee of the i"agner Society .

Alma Mary Forman. 20th April 1932 .

¢

Alfred

i. e . , of the London Branch of the \1ogner Society .

�17
III.

A very obvious critici3m may here be dealt with.

It may of

course be urged that Praoger ' s temporary expodiont of re-translating the letters into German showed too littlo sense of an
author's responsibilities; which is of course truo as far as that
particular matter is ooncorned.

But Prnoger was essentially an

honest man, and in t hat one matter he acted not out of natural
unscrupulousness, but out of sheer simplicity and too groat
hopefulness .

I t must always be borne 1n mind that ho was expect-

ing Lord Dysart to tako tho publication in hand as soon as he

returned to England, when of course the toxt of the letters would
have to be checked against tho originals.

Nobody ,.;ould have boen

more horrified than Praogor at tho idea that tho text of tho
letters should bo unroliablo in tho printed book; his device had
boon the merest stopgap, and in using it he had not even the
faintest inkling of tho trouble that would ultimately ensue.
Furthor, Praeger was an intelligent man; even if - to suppose

J

what is absurd - be had wantod to act fraudulently, ho would not
havo exposed himself eo rooklosaly to detection.
Why, then, did not Praeger sot things right as soon as Lord
Dysart returned to England?

In the first place, he was constant·

ly expecti ng the publication of his book to be taken in hand, and
as regards this he could not hustle a wealthy patron who found
reasons of his own for postponing it, more especially as the said
patron had acquired all the legal rights concerning tho book, and
was the only p erson capable of exercising them.

In addition,

�18

Praoger was not financiall y pr osperous , and had to set his mind
upon har d work in order to earn a living f or himself and his
frum1ly; to this was added a great deal of illness, including two
operations, during the last too years of his life.

The i mpartial

reader can readily surmise that it was ono of Praeger's great
disappointments that h is book was never published during his
lif etime.
'

I t must not be overlooked tha t as time went on, and Praeger
waited in vain for the publication of his book, he probabl y
forgot his temporary expedient of re- translating the letters
into German.
~

Note on the reliability of t he text of Praeger ' s
"Vlagner As I Knew Hi m".

\'/hen the English text of the book \7as finished (in 188 7 ), a
copy of it was sent to Lord D.ysart, and t he only MS. of the
German text was sent t o Lord Dysart not very long after.

As

already stated, Lord Oysart had these two manuscripts in his
keeping for some years, and Praeger d i d not see them again: t hey
were not published until after Prceger ' s death.
In the German edition, published by Carl Duncker of Berlin ,
t here are certain discrepancies as compared with t he English
text.

Moreover t he references to Sainton as being still alive

have been altered from present to past in consequence of Sai nton'
death in 1890 .

Whoever VTas responsible f or any such alterations

t hat took place , it cannot possibly have been Praeger himself .

�19

Frau Cosima V/ngnor having caused t h o Gorman e dition to b e
suppressed and tho plates to bo destroyed , it is presumab ly
impossi ble to r i nd out what exactl y was dono in Germany to the
Gorman t ext .

All that 1s necessary is to warn readers that tho

German text can be regarded as s t andard alwo.ys bearing 1n mind
that i t was never r evised by Pr aegor ror publication as it
shoul d ho.vo been.

Chamberlai n bases his criticism in the main

on the German t ext , and 1mputoo to Praeger faults Whi ch are not
his .
I t may be object ed that Praoger ' s

MS . ought to have been

thor oughly r evi s ed (excepting tho t ext of the letters that wero
at the time i nac cessibl e) bororo being sont to Lord xxx.

'nt

i t so happened t hat Praegor and his family mi s takenly believed
this to have been done .
\'i'h en Praeger wroto "'7agner As I Knew Hi m" he was unable to
arror d a secret ary .

But he had friends who off ered to help him;

and one of these was Honry Edwards , whose younger br other l ater
married Pr aoger 1 s daughter .

Honry Edwar ds undertook to go to

the British Museum, verify tho corr ectnes s of all extract s and
quot ations , ascertain the correctness of dates and so rorth .
Unhappily he wil ful l y decei ved Praoger ; and the fact was not
•

discovered until Praeg er's book was published, having been s ent
to pre ss without the knowledge of the Praeger fam ily .

Henry

Edwards sai d that he had verif ied everything to bo cor r ect ; but
i n r eality he had shir ked the "or k , and instead of going to the

�20

Br1 t1sh

~useurn

he had gone olsowhere.

This fact become latown to our family within the f1rot fow
weoks after tho publication of Praoger ' u book, when certain
1naccurac1os had already booome nw.n1f est.

I mysolf often hoard

it alluded to; and I romembor '.u-s. A. Schroibor, nbo at one tillle

¢

was pt•opnring n reply to Chomberla1n, rororrln8 to 1t in torma
or groat disgust.

·--------

¢

.

Houston Stewart Chamberlain was born in 1856 ; ho married Eva
\',88ner in 1908 ; he become a naturalised Oennan in 1916,and
died in 1 925.

�21

CHA l"l'f:t&lt; II I .

The truth of tho account given in t ho previous chapter is
attested not only by members of the Praeger family, but also, as
.
I have shoVJn, by my mother (lr!rs . Anna Cyriax) and ' rs. Forman
("Alma Murray" ), who knew of the circumstances at tho time.
was indeed so well known that

~·rs.

It

Schreiber roferrod to the

matter very clearly and at sOMe length in the "Uusieal Courier"
of llew York of June 26th. 1895.
to Ashton El l is (vide

J~sical

It was exceedingly woll known

Standard of

ay 26th . 1894).

And

it was also well known to Chamberlain (vide t:usical Standard of
l ay 5th. 1894) who had road Ume. Praeger 1 s articles.

Indeed,

the truth of Mme. Praogor ' s accounts as to the re- tranolat1on
(meant to be merely a stopgap) of 1'/agner's letters to Praegor
was assumed to be generally known to and accepted by the public
in general, as is shown by tho long leading article in the
l usical Standard of June 2nd . 1894, which sums up the controversy
as well as the editor felt that ho could do, althouth wo now know
that he was unwittingl y unjust to Praeger .
Wot very long aftor it seems to have occurred to Chamberlain
that his r eputation with the German public would be enhanced i f
unknorm to it he woro to suppress enti rely the well-known facts
set forth above .

At the time that he published his original

criticism (1893) of Praogor ' s book,

~!me . ~onie

Praoger had not

yet made publ ic the actual facts, which she did in 1894; but
Chamberlain had been clover enough to show that tho letters in

�22

the German edition or the book had been translated from English
back into German.

In his book "Hichard r:agner an

Ferdinand

Praeger " (second edition 1908, reprinted 1912) Chamberlain
deliberately ignores tho facto

~de

public by

l~e.

Praegor in

England in the year 1894, in order that tho German public should
roma1n ignorant ot those facts, and so enable h1m moro plausibly
to bring not only tho letters (as given by I'rnegor) but also

r rnoger 's boolt in gonoral into disrepute .
Tho second oo1 tion or Chru:!borlain' s book "Richard \':agnor an
Ferdinand Praegel' " contains the following:-

-1.

-23 ..
-

Preface .
Alleged gonuino text of Wagner's letters to Praeger .
Reprint of Chamberlain ' s "first criticism" or Praegor 's
book in the Dayreuther Blatter of 1893.

-4.
-5.

Reprint or Chamberlain' s second 'briticism" of Praegor 's
book in the Bnyreuther nlattor of 1094.
A brief Postscript.

It is interesting to noto that the last paragraph of (3) has
been omitted in the alleged reprint, and that tho last two
parasraphs of (4) have likewise disappeared to make room for an
ontiroly frash page or matter .

The r eader is not informed as to

.

these details, and so cannot know, in the ordinary way, that tho
articles in tho reprint aro not quite as they were written.
I must leavo it to others to find out whether any other
alterationa were made 1n reprinting; it will be enough to deal

�23

with tho final form of Chamberlain ' s book as we find it, excepti ng that I shall refer to ono of the paragraphs I have already
mentioned as having disappeared.

�24
CHAPT!i:R IV.
PRA!~GFJl' S

POWERS I U OLD AGE .

Before proceedins to consider the various details of
Chamberlain 1 s attack on Praeger, it will be best to deal with a
certain sweeping charge of the most impudently false kind.
In the EB.yreuther Blatter (p . 29) of January 1894, !Jr. Chamber-

lain, in the final paragraph but one or an article full of
outrageous falsehoods on Prnegor, wrote as follows:"As against this (i . e . certain theories dismissed by
Chamberlain) it is very important to loarn that already
t'1enty years before his death Praeger was almost blind,
and

that he fell prematurely into senile decay and

comparative irresponsibility. "

(Sehr wichtig 1st es

dagegen zu er fahren, dass Praeger schon zwanzig Jahre vor
seinem Tode fast erblindet war, und dass er frubzeitig in
einen zustand greisenhafter Schwache und relativer
Unsurechnungsfahigkeit verfiel . )
Upon this statement, be it noted, Chamberlain founded a
theory (see t he same paragraph) that what he regarded as the
"malice" of Praeg er 1 s book \'las tiue to somebody who, while
professing to help Praegor, took advantage of Praeger's alleged
senile decay to incorporate in 11\'lagner As I Kne\7 H1m" his own
evil i maginings.

Thi s t heory i s so ludicrous that it deserves

to be recorded for the s ake of t he "gaioty of nations".
It is to be remarked that when Chamberlain reprinted this

�25

article in his "Richard \"'agner an

'erdinnnd Praeger ", he omitted

the paragraph that I have uingled out, and substituted another
one.

But I have not been able to discover that he over withdrew,

much l ess apologised for the statements contained in it, more
especially his foul falsehoods r egardi ng Praegor ' s rental state
in his old ago .
I draw special attention to the fact that Chamberlain did not
state from what person or peroonu he drew his infornation, and
that he failed entirely to pr oduce any real evidence in support
of his sto.tomont.

He \7as fond of making swoopi ng s tatements of

tho most sland&amp;rous ki nd upon no bas is of fact, wher eas I regard
it as my duty to produce the moat unimpeachable evidence that
can be obtained.
!n the

~usical

Standard of earl y in 1894 Ashton

~llis

h nd

lll'i tten: "It is known that F'erdjnand Praeger's powers were
failing in the Ja st fO\T years of his life . "

'1no . r,donie Praegor,

the wi dow of the deceased composer, in the course of her series
of articles in tho same paper, wrote as follows (April 21st .
1894) i n ans?;er to this charge of Ashton

~llis:-

"Soma tlme after tho completion of both
versi ons of •wagner As I Know Rim'

~r .

~lish

and

German

Praeger was

commissioned to wr1 to a work upon "The Art or Compost tion
with Numerous Original Musical Ulustrat1ons " .

This work,

written whilo ho was actively engaged i n his ordi nary
occupati ons of composina and t eaching , occupied about two
yoars.

I t was 'road ' by the musical adviser or n l arge

�26

"London publishing firm.

The 'reader' is a well- lmown

professor of the Hoyal Academy and a ref erence to him would
speedil y dispel any suggestion of failing powers, and
consequently of any incapacity on tho part of l.'r. Praoger
at the time ho was writing ' Wagner As I Knew Him'.

I may

add that up to his vory l ast hour he was activel y ongaged
in musical composition. "
This statement or lme. Praeger can of course be corroborated
by all the members of tho Praeger famil y.

It was so entirely

irrefutable that lr. Ashton Ellis in reply to Mme . Praeger did not
even make the smallest attempt to refute it.

And Chamberlain was

likewise so completely unablo to refute it, that ho deleted from
subsequent reprints or his article in the Bayreuther Blatter the
paragraph containing his libels on Praeger's old age.

Houston

Chamberlain did not know Prneger personally, Tmich made it easy
f or him to invent what suited his purpose .
I wrote
ev~dence,

.

abov~

that I r egarded 1t as 1:171 duty to pr oduce

and therefore I add the f ollowing:A

Statomont_ cpnoor~!IS.

a vi sit P_!.id by nyselt

(Anna C;yriax) to Ferdinand Praeger shortly
before his death, wh,ch took pl ace on Sept . 2nd .l891.
It unhappil y bocnme necessary for our excellent and valued
friend Mr . Pordinand Praegor to undergo a severo operation.

This

took pl ace 1n tho year 1891 .
I t was for the time b eing successful, although his death

�27

unhappily fo l lowed later on .
~

A short tho before ho :l1od, uy husband and I r..&gt;nt to0 ether
to pay him a visit at his
Shepherds Bush,

ho~o,

Lansdowne, 23

~raekonbury

Road,

\,o found h1m vary ill 1n bod, but his

\'1 .

1ntolleet and his mental faculties wore entirely unimpaired by
his illness and by tho pain that ho suffered .
freely

~1th

lie conversed

us during tho t1mo we sat at his bedside , and his

conversation was quito in tho old friendly style .

I can certify

that any statenont to tho otfoct that Ferdinand Praeger 1 s
faculties were impaired even shortly beforo he died• 1s merely e
stupid and malicious invention.
I can add that he cavo lessons in Gorman and plano playing
for years to my children until w1th1n a few months or his doath.
Annn Cyriax.

Aug. 7th. 1!&gt;32 .
In concl usion I would add my own testimony.

I had plano

l essons from Ferdinand Prneger during tho space of at least ten
year s; and as my mother testifies , they only ceased a row months
before his death .

Like my mother, I can testify that any s t ate-

ment to the effect that Praogor 1 s faculties wero impaired evon

shor tly before his death 1s merel y a foolish and random assertion.
I ought to add that during the last year of his l ife
hoalth and strength were obviously fa111ng .

Praeger ~

Occasionally 1t

happened that during his l essons to me he suffered a sudden and
severe a t tack of pain.
~

ho . 1 . e . , Praegor .

This \fOuld divert h1s attention from the

�28

loason, which for a minuto or two was suspenJed, and whilo
rocovox·ing from his apnsm ho v10uld seek refuge 1n tolling mo
something of his exporiencoo of earlier dayn, l'lith regard to
which his memory soonod to be very good.

I can remember nothing

that indicated in any way that his mind was not quite cloar.

--- ---- -

�29
Cli/,PTJ.:R V.
','fA~'~IER ' ~

J'HI 'l'DSHIP r:I&lt;;&gt;:". PRi.I:G -;p

One or the things to which Chamberl ain has devoted particul ar attent ion is an al l ogod gr eat dimi nution of tho r r iendship
bot woon Wagner and Praogor, which he also a s sor t ed was never
charact erised by any r eal intimacy.

Thus he wrote on p . 129,

aft er vari ous very doprooiatory remarks about Pr aeger "a rriondship of the closer kind never existed" {ein naheres verhaltn1s
hat niemals bes tanden) .
~j agner

lie tried to make out (p . 129) that

regarded Praegor as bo1ng an insignificant person, !:rom

whom Wagner k i ndly accepted many small services for which he
.
woul d not havo troubled more important poople. llo referred
(p . 130) to what ho called Praeger's foolish conceit in imagining
that he h1JMelf and riagner understood each other so well.

On

P • 151 he wrote that 1n "truth Pr aeger was ontJ.rely unjustified
in speaking about •ragner, both as a human

be~

and an artist"

{in \lahrhe1t war Praeger vollig unberechtig t, uber Wagner - savohl.
als Yenschen wie als Kunstlenzu sprechen) .

On

p . 181 he wrote

that when \7agner came to London in 1877 he ·behaved vory cool ly
to Praeger, hardly r eceived him, and did vthat he could to rid
hi msel r of his t edious society (dass ••••• or s1ch sehr kuhl
gogen Praeger bennhm, da kaum empring und all os t at, sich von
seiner lasti gen ges ellschaft zu berrei en) .

As regards this last,

Chamber lain could not quote tho name or oven a single witness to
what be said ; he coul d not oven pr oduce a tittle of evi dence -

�30

which is not surprisi ng , in

vie~

of t he fact that he impudentl y

invented whut are simply falsehoods .
I t ia now my duty to produce evidence as to \"iagner 1 s sincere
and

deep fri endship f or Praeger, nhich remained undiminished as

l ong as they l ived.
l'raeger 1aar ried in t he year 1849.

In the year 1855 (as

rel ated 1n Chap. 1 of this book) Wagner came to London.

To begi n

wi th he actuall y s t ayed awhil e with the Praegers ; then when he
had t aken t wo rooms near by, he t r eated the Praegers ' house a s
his real home until he l eft London.

t~e.

Praeger had thus ever y

oppor tunity of seeing what intimate fri ends Wagner and her husban
became.
In the Musical Standard of April 28th. 1894, !,:r.to . Ldonie

Praoger wrote in answer to Ashton Ellis: - "I have myself heard
Wagner tell my husband that be had never met onyone YThO so
thoroughly understood him.

And, f retn that understanding , sprang

a f r iendship so fast that neither nbflence nor silence coul d
a1 t or . 11

(note.

r.:mo Praeger boi ng a b orn French\/Oman did not

always express herself in perfect English. )
On

anotbe1• occasion (soc Chap. l of this book) trrn.e Praeger

wrote that she had hear d Wagner tell her husband (towards the end
of his visi t of 1855) "that he had met no one yet who had done so
.
i n everything as he did". This sentenco may requ1ro some
elucidat ion .

Wagner and Pre.eger were both pr otagonists of what

was then r egar ded as "modernism" in music; both were t o some
extent iconocl ast s ; bot h of t hem, by their championship of new

�31

ideas, and thoir r efusal to worship the fashionable shibboleths
of the day, had brought down on
personal enmity.

Praeger had

the:o~selvos

Wl!lleasurod abuse and

syste~atically

used tho "Leit-

motiv" in his compositions long before Wagner ' s theories had
boen made public, and indeed long before tho two men first met;
.
and if this fact has boon lost sight of, it is because the
wealthy patron who bought the copyright or the great bulk of
Praeger 1 s compositions has not yet (A. D. 1932) published t hem ;
and

in view of the tact that Praeger's reore important works are

qui to unkno\m to the public, judgment as to his mori ts as a
composer must on tho whole be suspended for tho prosont, although
of course tho "Praegor Album" Will givo a good idoa of his loss
ambitious pieces .

(Note .

A pianist in search of whnt is un-

hackneyed might profitably examine it).
~agner's

Further, although

enthusiasm f or some or his revolutionary friends had

to some extent cooled, a democrat like Praeger was tull of
s,mpathy and admiration f or Wagner 's past political activities.
Also both men wore full of new idoas, very wall read, and extremely plain- spoken; ns for tho latter , I myself have hoard
Praeger say things so unconventional that I con quito understand
his offending certain types of people.

Again, Wagner had

written pamphlets and books, and Praeger had already been writing
for some thirteen yours for tho press.
So for concerning l!me . Praeger 1 s own reminiscences or tho
year 1855.

Next, 1n tho Musical Standard of April 28th. 1894,

Lwe . Praoger printed the following translation (presumably hor

�32

o1m) or part or a letter from Hans von Bulow to Praeger, written
in the year 1861:"Highly Honoured Sir,

I remember the great kindness which

you showed me when in Paris with our mutual, highly honouro
friend Wagner.

Do

write to him, I know he would be very

pleaaod, for he is particularly and deeply attached to you,
etc . etc .

Yours quite devotod

Berlin . 26th September
1861 .

Hans von Bulow. "

I need not quote more regarding the early friendship; for
the fact of this letter is generally admitted in spite of
Chamberlain's attempts to doprive it of importance.

I now submit

evidence fran the year 1878, leas than five years before waener
died.
A Statement concerning Wagner ' s friendship with
rerdinnnd Praegor.
In tho yoar 1878, I, Anna Cyriax nnd my husband Julius

Cyriax, togothor with my two young sons Rudolf and Edgar, paid n
visit to Dayrouth.

On June 20th. we all went to Wahnfried

during the course or the corning, where Wagner received us in
the garden .

lie wore his black velvet head-covering in which ho

has been photographed .

Ho took one of my sons on each knoo and

said a fow friendly wor ds to each of them; then he asked Siegfried to take thO!II into another part of the garden to pick
strawberries .

Afterwards, in the course of our conversation

J6 by Anna Cyriax.

�33

with Wagner and his \7ife Cosima 1n the drawing- room of Wahn!'ried,
they both referred to Fer dinand Praeger, whose son Richard was
R. Wagner's godson .

Wagner had recently received the news that

his godson having gone on a sea-voyage for the benefit of his
health, had not been hoar d of for many months, tho vessel had
pr esumably been lost, everybody on board having apparently been
drowned.

They both expressed themselves greatly concerned at

the calamity and begged us to go and see the Praegers as soon as
possible after our return to England and do for them what we cou
in their distr ess.

From this incident as well as from Wagner's

speech in sole honour of Praeger on May 22nd. 1877 I can testify
that any assertions to the effect that Wagner's early friendship
vrith Praeger had cooled down 1n later years, are quite untrue .
August 1932.

-------------

Anna

Cyriax.

On June 23rd . 1878, three days after the conversation

between Wagner and my parents related by my mother above, Cosima
Wagner wrote to

Praeg~r

calamity referred to .

in her husband 1 s name regarding the

The text of the letter, translated by Mme.

Praeger into tinglish , is printed in the Musical Standard of April
28t h. 1894, as follows:"Dear Friend, - It is impossible at this time to remain
silent or to speak out .

lAy husband presses your hand and

sends you word that if your heart is not too sad, will you
come and pay us a visit.

I know you do not mind receiving

through me the expression of his feelings , and, in sadness,

�34

"I also add rrry own greetings.
23rd JWle. 1878.

Cosima flagner."

At tho end of her statement my mother refers to Wagner's
apoech 1n solo honour or Prneger at the banquet at Cannon Street
Hotel.

This speech, and indeed tho events or the ovening in

general, have been so distorted by Chamberlain and his like, and
tho wealth of evidence that must be brought forward is so great,
that the subject must bo dealt with in a separate chapter.
Note.

In Glasenapp 's "~a Leben Richard \7agners" (2nd. edition

Vol . 6. p . ll2) occurs an account or the events or JWle 20th . 1878
of whi ch the following is a translation:-

"On the 20th. JWle he (i.e. Wagner) was visited by a faithful adherent with his family from London (whore they lived)
namely Julius Cyrin.x, whoso two young sons he took on his
knee and petted 1n a friendly manner.

With him (and his

w11'o) he (i . e . Wagner and also Cosima) made a beautiful
excursion to the Wnldhutte, which lasted tho whole afternoon and even1J18, and during which it beclll!lo evident while
walking through tho woods, that Wagner, or all the party,
was tho youngest and most unt1ring . 11

'

(Glasenapp calls my father an "adherent" (anhnnger) of Wagner J
he seems to have been

ign~rnnt

that my father was also n personal

friend of Wagner . )
My parents duly complied with the desire of Richard and
Cosi ma Wagner regarding Praeger, and on JWle 21st . 1879 Cosima

�35

Wagner wrote to my parents as follows:"Thnt you are concerning yourselves for Praeger is very
friendl y of you ; t he unhappy

earme")

and excellent man

deserves it, for no outward or inward fortune has smiled
upon him.

Pray be thanked for your sympathy • ••• "

Bayreuth June 29th 1879.

C. Wagner .

Original German Text of above:"Es est sehr freundlich von Thuen iss sie sich Praeger ' s
annehmen der arme &amp; vortreffliche mann verdientes , koin
ausseres und ke1n inneres gluck hat 1hm gelachelt.
sie dank fur thre te1lnah!!1e ••• "
Bayreuth 29. June 1879.

c. Wagner.

Raben

�36
•

CHAPTER VI .
Statement (by Ann£.. C;yriax) concerning Richard Wngn,e r 's
speech about Ferdinand Praeger, delivered at tho banquet in
Cannon Street Hotel on tmy 22nd.

187~,

which was

~ivan t~

Richard Wagner by the German conmrun1ty in London.

"On May 22nd. 1877, I was present a t the private banquet to
Richard Wagner in Cannon Street Hotel.

'l'he banquet had been

arranged for gentlemen only, but as it was desired to do honour
to Frau Cosima also, she had been invited to dine at the same
time wit h a few l adies in a small room upstairo.

I had the

honour of receiving and greeting Frau Cosima, beside whom there
were present Mrs . Dannreuther, Frau Materna, Frau von Ernsthausen,
Mrs. Harrer and a few others.

i'ih1·le we were still in the small

room at dinner, Richard Wagner himself came in to us, sat down at
our table, and spent a few minutes chatting '71th us ladies .
After dinner the ladies adjourned to the gallery in order
that they m1eht watch the proceedings below and hear the speeches .
From my seat in the eall ery I could hear with perfect clearness
every word of the speeches doYm b elow.

To my husband .Tul1us

Cyriax, for a long t ime honorary secretary of the (branch of the)
Wagner Society in London, had been allotted to propose the toast
of Dr. Hans Richter coupled with the names of those artists who
had taken part in the Wagner concerts at the Albert 1Ial1.

X

May 22nd . was Wagner's birthday.

¢ Note.

At this time my father Julius Cyriax, who was a native
of Gotha, was already a naturalised Englishman.

�37

"The following extract concerning the speeches is COP.ied
"}i
from my husband 1 s unpublished memoir .f Richard \1ngner:'Von Ernsthausen held the f irst public speech, and proposed
the health of tho Meister .

Pointing to Dr . Harrer he

said: "I am not an orator as he 1s", and
quickly to an end.

brou,~ht

his speech

Wagner, in a long and del!ahtful speech,

returned thanks; his heart was f u ll, and ho was visibly
moved.

He eMphasi sed how elated ho folt to have come from

his hermit's l ife in Bayreuth into so groat a

co~pany;

unhappily no stenographer recorded his words, but they made
a deep impression and electrified everyone prosent.

After

this Dr. Harrer spoke in a rather ecsta tic manner ,

¢¢

del ivered the present to him (i . e. Wagnor) and broke
suddenly into tears, which brought his speech to a premature close .

Mter t his I proposed t h e toast oi' the artists

who had taken part 1n the f estival.

Ri chter returned

thanks, said that thoro was onl y one groat Moist er, then
embr aced him etc .
•

The Meister t hen asked f or silence for

yet one more toast (intently we wondered whom he would
name) and drank a glass to t he health of "his oldest and
best friend in r..ondon", Ferdinand Praoger, in whose house

¢

The original text of this is in German and will be found in
t ho appendix.

Tho volume can of course be produced in a court

of law if required; it was written most carefully by my father
in conjunction with my mother.

¢¢

The birthday present to \'lagnor .
statement.

See the latter part

or

this

�'h e had l ived in 1855, and to whom more than anyone else

¢

he was indebted f or his visit to London and later results .
Praeger returned thanks, being obviously moved, and said
that this was "the greatest day of his l i f e" , and then
praised Wagner's genius in such h i gh terms - "may the
hounds bay at the moon, but thou art the greatest of all"
(or such like words) - that at the end of Praeger 1 s speech
the Meister again stood up and said loudly "I call the
speaker to order'.
" I can a t test the accuracy of this account, having heard all
t he speeches.

Wagner referred in his s econd speech, Which was

quite spontaneous and unexpected, to Praeger only, not tp anybody else .

(Note.

The first speech was the one in wh ich he

returned t hanks to Herr von Ernsthausen who had proposed his
health as the guest of the evening).
I t follows that Houston Stewart Chamberlain's s t atement made
on p . 146 of the revised edition of his book "Richard Vlagner an
Ferdinand Praeger" that \Vagner referred in that speech to all his
I.ondon friends is a pure invention.

I would especially draw

attention to the fact that he does not quote a single witness in
support of his statement.
I woul d add that the birthday present given to Wagner in the
name of the company by Dr . Harr er , after previous consultation
with

¢

r~au

Cosima and at her suggestion was a large portfolio

See the l ater chapters on ~agner 1 s visit to Engl and in 1855.

�39

containing a series of sixty photographs (autotype) of Michael
Angelo's frescoes in the Sistine Chapel.
In conclusion I mention that a description at some length

of the proceedings of the evening was written by my husband and
published in No. 14, dated Sept. 12th. 1884, of t he newspaper
"Parsif al", edited by Kastner and brough t out by Edwin Schlemp
in Leipzig.

My husband refers to t hi s article in his unpublished

memoir of Wagner.
July 5th. 1932.

-----------

Anna Cyriax. "

To this statement that has been drawn up by my mother , must
be added the following.

The ma1n facta related in it have

always been common knowledge among the members of our f amily.

I

myself when still only a boy often heard them f rom the lips of
my father years before his death in the year 1892, and certainly
years before the publication of Praager's book; the first time

. om not have bean long after the death of Wagner himself.

I have

also heard them from the lips of my excellent friend Alfred
Forman (translator of most of

~Pgnar's

librettos, especially of

the Niebelungen Ring into alliterative verse), who was present
on the occasion.

I heard them discussed in detail by various

people when the controversy arose about Praeger's book; but at
that time I was too young to do a.&gt;lyth1ng in the matter, and Mrs.
A. Sc_hreiber, who has since died, was engaged in preparing an
answer to the attacks of Ellis and Chamberlain, ,.,hich however
has not yet seen the light.

My attention was again directed to

�tho matter through reading !lr . Ernest Ne'Milan' s innocent rehash of
•

Chwnberla1n' s venom in his book " Fact and Fiction about Wagner" .

-- - - --- --- -

�41
CHAPTER VII

I t is conceivable that certain libellers of Praegor would
profess not to be satisfied with the evidence brought forward
1n the last chapter; and in view of tho misrepresentations that

have been current for so long, it will be best to devote a
further chapter to corroborative evidence, all dating from before
tho publication of Praogor 's book .
In the J.lusical t.orld of Doc. 7, 1889 , Mr. B. L. Moseley

(founder of the London branch or the Wagner SOciety) wrote in
the course or an article on l'raeger as follows:" It was to Praeger that '7agner, when in England in 113'1; • at
a great gathering of Teuton Songsters, proposed a toast the only one given by the Meister - which can never be
forgotten by those who were privileged to be present.

In

touching terma Wagner referred to the champion of his early
days ' der Treu 1 sto aller Treuen ••• der Freundlichste der
Freunde 11 • begging his hearers to unite with him in drinking
to the health of one who, be added with tragic emphasis,
"was with me in tho wilderness."
I t may be rerarked that the German words quoted by Wagner
•

were from the libretto of Tristan and Isolde; but be altered the
accusative case to the nominative, and the two phrases are not
actuall y consecutive in the l ibretto.
the "wil derness" sentence were

11

The actual German words of

Er war mit mir in der '.\tate 11 •

In the Musical News of Sept . 11th. 1891 appeared a two- column

�'
•

42

biogr aphy of Praeger written by E. H. Turpin, Mus . D. (later
Warden of Trinity College of UUsic) .

It begins as follows: -

"The death, on September 2nd.,of this eminent musician
deprives the art \'Torld of a prombient f i gure, and ranoves not
only a composer and teacher of marked power and influence, but
takes away one of the few remaining life-long f riends of Wagner .
At the banquet gi ven to Wagner at t he Cannon St . Hotel, s ome
fifteen years ago, the only toast Wagner himself proposed was:
'The truest triond, Ferdinand Praeger • ••••• f or he was with me
in t he darkest hour'.

This last sentence was t hought to have

special reference to the period thirty-six years ago, when t he
Times critic, Davison, asked

1

\'lho are the champions of \'Jagner?

Madmen like Liazt and Ferdinand Praeger . ' "
In the Musical Standard or Jan. 26, 1884, appeared an article

on Praeger referring to the Wagner banquet; I am informed by Mrs.
Leonie Edwards (nde Praeger) that it was written by Mrs . WyattSmith.

The latter made one slight error; it was not in his

speech responding to the toast of his health, but in a second, .
unexpected a."ld spontaneous speech that Wagner proposed Praeg er's
health.

In the course of her article she wrote: -

"When in t he May of 1877 a banquet was given to Wagner in
London at the termination of the Al bert Hall Y.lagner series of
concerts, that great master, in responding to the toast or h is
health, declared before all, that it was Ferdinand Praeger who
~

had introduced him to London, who had alone understood him, and
~

See Chapter XXV on Wagner 's visit to London in 1855 .

�43

h al! unflinchingly stood by him in spite of all calumny,

and

that

he owed htm an immense debt of gratitude, and begged to propose
with a fUll heart tho toast of his valued friend.

This, it is

almost needless to say, was received wi th acclamation. "
I have a copy ot this extract in my own writing, h aving
taken it \vhen preparing this book.

Uy mot her added below it

t ho f ollowing:" ! certify tho above to be a correct epitome of V:agnor 's

speech.
Aug . 6th. 1932.

Anna

Cyriax."

In the Uusical Standard of Sept. 1891 appeared a biographical
notice of Ferdinand Praegor by his son Uiltred Praeger.

It

should especially be noted that this appeared some time before
his father's book "Wagner

As

I Knew Him" was published , nor did

anyone venture to impugn tho facts stated until Chamberlain
started h i s campaign not in England but in Oormany and i n the
German language, 1n the year 1893 .
l4r .

In the course of his article

\Ulfred Praeger wrote:"At tho banquet givon to Wagner at tho Cannon Street Hotel

1n 1877, the J.!e1stor pronounced but ono toast, asking tho company

to drink to the health of ono who had suffered t hrourp his faith

in htm, his staunch friend, Fer 11 l8Jld Praocer . "

------------On Uarch 9th. 1888 , my father referred to

~agner's

speech

about Praeger in his lecture entitled "Go to Bayreuth" bef ore

�44

tho London Branch of the

~agner

Society.

or

this lecture, i.:r .

Ashton Ell is, who together with Houston Chamberlain made himself
notorious by his attack on Praeger 1 s
a lonG repor t in tho

~eister

11

\Tagnor As I Knew Him", gave

(of May 22nd . 1888) the official

organ of tho London branch of the Wagner Society.

It 1s true

that Ashton Ellis did not actually sign his editorial report,
but 1n a later number of the Meister, 1n an obituary notice of
my rather (Nov . 14tn. 1892) he refers to tho account "which I

almost had tc. force tho modest lecturer to let me print".

Thus

we know that even i f that account had been written by anyone
else, it had the editorial endorsement or Ashton Ellis, who was
himself actually present at the lecture, and his obituary notice
shows what he thought of my father; his report, hO\'IGVer, occurs
in the regular "Notes", which were all by Ashton Ellis unless
signed by the initials of someone else .

And

it 1s particularly

noteworthy that Ashton Ellis thus himself gives his editorial

f6

endorsement to what my rather said about Wagnor and Praeger.
The f oll owing extract is taken from Ashton Ellis 1 report of
my father's lecture 1n the Moister of May 22nd. 1888: -

"He (i . e . Julius Oyria.x) recalled the fact that, when in tho
year 1877 tho German "Liedenkranz

1

of London entertained Wagner

at a banquet, at which were assembled all tho greatest representatives ot art, the Meister proposed one toast,

and

one only,

t hat of the health of his old triond and supporter, Hr . Ferdinand

f6 See, however, tho next chapter.

�45

Praeger, 1n these words: "Er war mit m1r 1n der V:Uato"
with mo 1n the wilderness) •

1he

was

f1

lolr Praeger had, as early as 1855

begun the work of advocacy of \ agner's genius which the Wagner
Society is now carrying on; Wagner never forgot his services,
and showed to him a gratitude such as that ho always showed for
Li s zt. "
To my copy of this extract my mother added tho following:"! certify that tho report in the ' Meister' of Uay 22nd.

1888

of~

husband's lecture, Julius Cyr1ax, 'Oo to Bayreuth' was

written by Ashton Ellis.
Aug . 13th . 1932 .

~

Anna

Cyriax. "

Praeger's first public advocacy of Wagner in England was an
article on tho performance of Tannhauser in Germany, printed
in the 11 Hnglish Gentleman" of October, 1845.

�46

CIIAP'I'BR VIII
CHAtiBBRLADl and GLASENAPP

-------------------------

-1 .

Chamberlain

At the banquet to Richard Wagner (see Chap. VI) at Cannon
Stroot Hotel on l!ay 22nd. 1877, \Vagner said ( 811101'18 other t hings)
of Praogor "Er war mit mir in dar Vluste " (he was with me in tho
wilderness).
These words were quoted correctly by
1n the

~usical

~e.

Ldonie Praeger

Standard not only or April 21st . 1894, at tho

head of her reply to Ashton Ellis, but a l so at the head or each
other part of her reply (i . e . tho numbers of April 28th. and
lday 5).

They wore quoted correctly by Ashton Ellis himself in

tho l4eistor or May 22nd 1888, and in the Musical Standar d or
J.lay 26th. 1894 .

And

they Ttere quoted correctly by my father 1n

his lecture "Go to Bayreuth" given before t he London branch of
the l'.agner Society on J.larch 9th. 1888; the words aro inserted in
his own handwriting 1n tho manuscript of his lecture by tho
stenographer, who did not understand German.

I may add that I

havo frequently heard the correct words quoted by my father , who
was present on the occasion when they were spoken.
The f irst word "or" (ho) has boon dol1beratoly corrupted by

¢

Cluxmborla1n to

11

diesor" (this one. or this man) • in o. fraudulent

o.tt8!11pt to make it appear that \'fagner referred to Praeger only
among others; whereas

~agner 1 s

speech was in sole honour of

f6 It need hardly bo said that Chamberlain was not present at
the banquet.

�i
Praeger and nol&gt;ody else .

47

Moreover Chaml&gt;erla1n, as so often, has

not even attempted to quote the name of even a single

~itness

in

support of either his distortion, or his falsehood that Wagner's
speech referred to his London friends in general.

Thos e who are

curious as to Chamberlain's methods are referred in respect of this
matter to p . l 46 of the second otU.t1on of his book "Richard Wagner
an

Ferdinand Praeger".
2.

Glasenapp.

A further statement concernins tho banquet at Cannon Street
llotel g1 von to lUchard Wagner on May 22nd. lei77
.
In

Glasenapp 's book "Das Leben Richard \'lagners" (2nd . eq .

vol.5 p . 357) is contained a certain statement relating to the
banquet that is entirely at

va~iance

with fact .

Glasenapp, who was not pres ent at the banquet, states t hat

f6

Praeger "although uninvited appeared at it (!) "
simply outrageous .

This statement is

Not only had Praeger been speciall y invited as

being Wagner's oldest friend in London, but also he had been
specially and deliberately placed at table directly opposite to
Wagner.

I saw him there myself' from the gallery just above from

which I heard all the speeches, and it is out or the question that
I could possibly be mistaken in the matter.
The simpl e i'act is that Chamberlain was clever enoueh to
succeed in poisoning the minds of many adherents o f Wagner in Germany, and so to make them ready to swallow anything that he told
them.

Aug. 14th. 1932 .
Anna Cyriax . "
f6 In the German Socioty of London at the time such a thing was
impossible . Anyone even attempting such a t hi.n g would have been
promptly and ruthlessly turned out . Praegor's wife was Sl'IOng t he
few chosen ladies who heard the speeches from the gallery .

�48

In concl usion it should be added that in vol. V. 227, Ashton

El lis has deliboratoly falsified the tlrst word or "Er war mit
mir in der V1usto 11 to der; although, as I have shown in the
previous chapter, he know the correct

------------

fo~

exceedingly well.

�49

CHAPTER IX
Richard \'lagner 1 s Revolutionary Activities.

----------------------------------------To certain people, the greatest cause of offence in Praeger's
book was his statement that in after life Wagner did his best to
m1n1m1se , or even deny altogether, his part in the
r i sing of 1849 .

s~~on

up-

Praeger 's enemies pounce upon this, as if it

wore utterly out of the question that Wagner could have acted in
a way that ·was so very human
later f ortunes .

and

even natural considering his

El l is and Chamberlain were apparently furious

because Pagner, as they consider, was made out by Praeger to be
a liar; they quite failed to realise the influences that were
brought to bear on Wagner through his marriage to Costma and the
patronage of the Ki ng of Bavaria, and that his giving way to them
did not seriously invalidate the general honesty or his life , or
the greatness of his work and his struggles .

There is such a

thing as a sense or proportionl
On p. 99 of his book "Richard Wagner an

Chamberlain wrote as f ollows: -

¢

(Note.

"'erdinand Praegor",

The original German

text 1s g i von belo\'r. )
"There are presumably enough people, to whom it is a matter
of no consequence at all whether Wagner took port in the Revolution or not, but who at once scented out what capital was to be
made out of tho fact t hat the so greatly praised, exalted master

¢

(Add hero ori g inal German t ext of quotation from Chamberlain}

�50

"was portrayod by his 'most intimate friend' as a liar, as a man
who 'took the trouble' to falsify the truth; yoa, Praeger says
positively on p. 205 (German edition) as a man vmo 'spread an
untruth 1 concerning himself. 11
In the Musical Standard of May 26, 1894, Ashton Ellis
(p. ·435) wrote:- "Until any particular charge (such as this
utterly monstrous ono, of untruthfulness) is Eroved against him,
I shall continue to decry 1 t".

(And on p. 438)

"To mo it

matters nothing (sic!) whether Wagner did, or not, what Praeger
says; but it \YOuld matter, if' he had done it and then denied it."
\'/hat did Pra.egor actually write?
of his book he remarked as tollo\vs : -

To begin with, on P• 191
11

\'lhen \'lagnor visited London

in 1855, tho Revolution and the thousand and one episodes
connected therewith were relatod and discussed fully and dwolt
upon with affection, but as the years rolled on he exhibited a
decided aversion to any reference to his participation. " Further,
Praeger related on p. 229 how he persuaded Wagner to lay aside
his "r evolutionary" hat VThen he clll'lle to London 1n 1855, and
continued

11

As to Richard Wagner ' s democratic principl es, I

observed that the solitude or exile had considerabl y modified
them .

This I noticed to my surprise and no less pain, for, when

I anxiously inquired after our poor friend, August Roeckel, he
shrugged his shoulders arid said ' Perhaps he tries to revolutionise the prison warders, for tho \'lullers ('Uprooters", a namo of
the period) are never at rest in their self- elected role of
reformers ! "

�51

Chamberl ain (p . 106) denounced these two extracts, both
r elati ng to the year 1855, as being so contradictory as to eonviet Praogor or deliberate lying.

But in roality they are

obviously not contradictory at all.

Wagner was stil l ready to

discuss the revolution freely "and with aff'ection" as having
been a great and interesting historical experience; but tho march
of events ho.d proved to h1m that the averago rovolut1ouar:r wos o.
person of smo.ll intelligence, that the actual revolution had
been hopelessly bungled and was an utter failure, bringing only
trouble on those who had mixed in it, and that it was vor-r
evident that some of the ideas

and

even pol itical principles of

some of the revolutionists (e . g . Bakunin, the anarchist, cr .
Praegor p . l90) wore quito fal so .

Furthermore, Wagner ' s exile

from Germany had boon largely if not mai nly due to his letter to
Roeckol tound on the latter, a fact that may voll have eoolod
Wagner's enthusiasm for Roockel.

To sot tho so two oxtracts of

Praeger against oach other is a false antithesis - a threadbare
trick.
On p . 151 . Praeger ho.d alrond7 m-itten "Yet 1n after- life,
in his talk with n o, I who held documentary evidence under his
own hand, of his participation, he in petulant tones sought
either to minimise tho part ho plo.yed, or to explain it away
altogether .
r~unich . II

This change of tront I first noticed o.bout 1864, at
Olote.

1864 is a mistake for 1065; it is

Praeger was a little careless

~bout

knOT/Il

that

datos . )

J

�52

Chamberlain actuall y tried to discredit this third extract
on tho

~ound

that tho date 1865, as narking tho chnngo, is

incompatibl e with the second extract given abovo, relating to
tho yoar 1855 (p . 229 of Praogor ' s book).

But 1n the latter

Praegor merely said that Wagner 1 s democratic principles had been
modified - a vory different thing from Wagnor 1 s la tor attempts

to deny his part in tho revolution.

Once more, Chamberlain's

nnt1thes1s i s entiroly false; and indeed some of his tri cko are
oo silly that I ol.tlost tool inclined to ask in clorision - "Could
he understand English Vlben he read it?"
In connection with Praeger 1 s

state~ent

that it was in the

year 1865 (not 18641) n t Munich that Praeger first noticed
\'/agner ' s desire to minimise his part in the revolution, it must
bo borne in mind that it was 1n the year 1864 that Vlagner first
came under tho patronage or King Ludwig of Bavaria (Ol asonapp's
Life of Wagner, first edition, vol. 2, p.l27).

It should

turthor be borne in mSnd that tho papal' road by i.fl8ner before
tho Fatherland Union on tho 16th Juno , 1848, was omitted from
his collected nrit1ngo (in 11 volumes ; Leipzi g from 1871 onwards.
\'ihy?
As Ellis and Chamberlain have a s sorted in their shrillest
manner that Wagner nhon much o l der could not have aenied any
action of his earlier yoars , 1t becomes t or an impartial enquirer
to ask the questions : - Do somo people change theii' pol! tical
op1n1ons , or not, during the course or tho1r lives?

Is every

man when much o l der anxious to recall, or oven adm1 t, some of

�the hot- handed or hot-bl ooded things that he did in his youth?
And - more particularly - were thor o cogent reas ons that Wagner 's
whol e outl ook on the revol utionary peri od should undergo a gr eat
change?
Firstly mu3t be cons idered tho influence of Cosima on his
lite .

Their son Siegfried Wagner was born 1n 1869; and after

Cos1ma. had been divorced by Von DulolT in July, 1870, she llltlrl'ied
\'lagner on Aug. 25th. 1870.

(Note.

Minna i'lagner, the first \'life ,

died at Dresden during January, 1866) .

IJ.hat was her history?

She was the youngor daughter of L1s zt by the Comtesse d'Agoult
(kno\m by hor pon- name of Daniel Stern) •

Her el der sister,

Blandino, was the soc:1&gt;nd \'life 1&gt;f Er.lile Ollivier, the minister
of Napol eon III.
on Lake Como .

Cosix:la \Tas b1&gt;r n in Dec&amp;rlber 1837 o.t Bellaggio
She was educat ed i n Paris; her upbringing and

all her e arly l ife were in aristocratic society;

ar~

at the age

of about 20 she married Von Bulow (in tho yoar 1857 ) , a member
or e. Oormsn aristocr atic famil y (his f ather was a
writer) .

·t~ell-known

How can onyono be surprised if her whole outlook and

her tl'aditions wer o or the aristocratic type?

To anyone of her

vi ews tho bnre idea that her exalted husband had boon acti vely
engaged in o. revol ution must have seomod vulgar and hat efUl
beyond words; 1f not impossible, hl1on at any rate the
1t to be decently obli terated .

mo~ory

of

If anyone thinks that t his is

exaggerated , lot him study some of the outcries of those of the

Bayreuth cir cle who divided the world into Bayreuth and "Draussen"
(outside) - vide past f iles of the Bayreuthor Blatter ".

�54

But further.

llhon Wagner

vtllB

settled at \i'ahnf'riod, d id he

livo n 11!o of rovolut1onary fraternity and democratic equality?
Vecy f ar from it!

ITo

\Tns

a succe:Jsful man, groo.tly sought not

only by the world in gonoro.l, but also by tho most famous people
from all quartorG Of tho ClObO.

'1ahn.friod,

O..S

is \7011 lmO\m,

became a snal l court, where distinguished people wore graciously
rocoivod.

That Wagner always relllll1ned true to his f om or rea l

friends, tthatovo1• their station, goes without saying; but i t had
bocomo Cosima ' s task to preside over this court, to facilitate
\"Jngner' s work, to protect h1J:1 from the h urd of merely curious
and

~erely

thi ck- skinned lion- hunters and sig htseers, and to

shiel d h1l:t as f a1• as possible fra:n actual viaitors Vlho become in
any way tedious or importunate.

This s he did most dutifUll y and

efficiently, as rny parents s a" ':7i th their o'I'IJl oyos.

But what

had this cow·tly graci ousness to do n1th revolutionary aims?
not only was this tho sort of homo Wat;ner had in his latter
days, but it was 1n tho atmosphere of such a homa that Wagner ' s
chil dren grew up .
To what wero Wagner ' s easier circumstances duo?

In the

year 1864, Ludwig, i'i ng of Bavaria , attracted by tho musician's
genius, took tho resolution of pr oviding for t he first performance (dUl'ing tho next year) of Trist an and Isolde, the difficul t1es 1n the "&amp;:! of wh!ch had hi thortoo bC!on ins'Ul'Countnb le.
It took place on June l Oth. 1865.
kno~m

It had already become publicly

that tho King had guartmtoed Wagner a l'egul nr income in

order to enabl e him to continuo his c r eative work.

I n January

�55

1865 Semper uas consulted by tha K1ng rti th regard to the building
of a neu special theatre - the "Nebol'Un8enthenter".
napp ' s Life, lat. edition, vol . 2, p .l65).
~·1a.gner

(Glnse -

And so forth.

became the protog$ of a King, and by this also his

whol e outlook \'tas utterly changed.

How many men woul d , under

such conditions, have been pl eased to remember earlier r evolutionary activities?

And 1f 17agner then tried to min1ro.1s e the

l a t ter , surely i t was in tho main not so l!IUCh an unscl'Upul oua
and deliberate falsehood, as a
forces .

~as ~agner

b1~an

yiel ding to vory potent

a fallible human being or not? And if

Wagner in thin one lllatter did not act up to his highest standard ,
it 'tJB.Y be askod - Hot? ma!ty men do nl?tays act up to their highest
standar d?
Chamberlain and Tillis' vi rtuous indi gnation at the mere i dea
thnt Wae;nor cou:).d hnvo devintod !'ron the trtt'c;h on any occasion
suggests thut they ret;arded l7acnor as being not human but superhumnn.

l.nd in this connection thought ful r eaders cannot avo id

tt\k!Xl{; 1nto considoration \1agnor ' s tl'eatment,in his oYm printed
recollections, of his affair \7:i.th ltathildo
was

r~itten

\?esendouok.

This

at a time when tho possibility of his letters to her

ever being published had never evon occurred to him.

In h i s

autob1qgraphyWagnor has deliberat ely and completely distorted
tho \7hole affair.

lie asserts tha.t !Jinna' s jealousy vtaa gr ound-

less to the point of being outrQ{S&amp;ous, and t r.at the break- up of
tho1r married 11:f'e was ont1rely the faul t of the utterl y unreas onable Minna, who obstina t ely r efused to bel i eve that t here

�56

was merely a perfectly 1nnocont friendship botwoon him and
Mathilde .

It is indeed tho worst and saddest feature or the

oase that Wagner whitewashed himself at the price of blackoning
Minna to posterity, and it is both fortunate and just that
posterity knows the fault to have boon Wagner 's; but of course
it must be borne in mi nd that Wagner 's main objoot was presumably
to keep Mathil de's good namo untarnished to posterity.

------------

•

�57
CHAPTER

X

Praeger on Wagner's part in the Revolution.

-----------------------------------------In the previous chapter it has boen shown that Wagner 's

l ater attitude towards his early political activities was not
at all remarkable, and only what many peopl e would regard as
quite natural under the circumstances.

It may, however, be

objected that I have taken tor granted Wagner ' s participation
i n tho Revolution - a matter which has been hotly disputed.

It

will therefore be necessary to examine carefully Praeger 1 s
statements on the subject, and Chamberlain ' s efforts to i nvalidate them.

And besides this, it will further be necessary to

consider briefl y other evidence than that of Praeger himself, in
order to consider whet her or no any or Praeger 's statements may
be regarded as being in any \'laY exaggerated .
On p . 192 Praeger sums up t he chief evidence on which his

statements are based .

I have altered some of Praeger's numbers ,

as under No . 4 he h as put together the evidence of two separate
persons .

!• Paper on the "Abolition of the !.lonarchy" (as Praoger
c alls it) , read before t he Fatherland Union on June

¢

16t h. 1848 .

p

Wagner, in his own recollections ( 11l!ein Leben", popular
edition, vol . II pp. 198- 201) gives an account of h is writing
of the paper, its anonymous publication i n the 11 Dresdener
Anzeiger" , its reading before t he Fatherland Union, and the
ensuing off i ci al troubles .

�58

-2 .

Letter to August Roeckel of £ay 2nd. 1849, found on
Roeckel when he was taken prisoner (he could not give
the

-4 .
-5 .
3.

-6 .

~ctual

text, only n brief account of it.)

Letter ot Wagner to Edward Roeckel of 14arch 15th. 1851 .
Wagner's own statements to Praeger .
The testtmony of Ha1mberger.
Tho testimony ot Max von Weber.

In this chapter I must rotor more especially, but briefly,
to the first three .

And as Chamberlain (p. 100 ot "R.W. and

F. P.") relies to some extent on Ashton Ell is , I shall in this
chapter be obliged to make various references to tho latter.

! • The paper read by Wagner before the Fatherland Un!on was
printed at the time .

It wns Praeger who, trom his own copy,

first revealed ita existence to Wagner's admirers in England , and
who gave 1t 1n full in his book "Wagner As I Knew Him", on pp .
156-164.

p

It is now part ot Wagner l iterature; and so tar as

I know nobody has been rash enough to try to deny Wagner ' s
authorship.

Even Chamberlain could not

~ttempt

to impugn 1t; he

acknowlod6es 1t on p. 100 ot "R.W. and F. P.", ond on p . 139 of
the Bayreuther Blatter ot 1893 he had already reterred to 1t as
"uncontested".

(unbestritten).

Wagner himsel f , as mentioned 1n

the l ast chapter, excl uded i t trom the collected edition of his
works made in l ater years .

We all owe a deb t of gratitude to

Praeger for bringing it to light in England.

p Ellis s ays that Tappsrt exhumed i t some years earlier

1n

Germany; was it before Praee;or actually wrote his book?
•

�59

-2 .

This

Wagner ' s letter to Au gust Roeckel of May 2nd. 1849.

contained t he passage which firs t aroused the suspic ion of t he
aut h orities as to Vlagne r' s being one of the revolutionary
leaders, although he had already been suspected of l e sser t hings;
it runs as follows : "People are preparing themselves for a decisive conflict,
if not wi th the king,. in any case Vli t h the Prussian
troo ps; people have only one fear, namely that a revol u tion might break out too early".
Chamberlain has printed the lette r in full on pp. 174- 175
of "R.\'1. and J!' . P.", and Ashton Ellis has given an English translation on pp. 332- 3 of vol. 2 of his Life of wagner.

And with

r egard to it, Chamberlain tells one of' hi a choicer lies.

He

says that Praegor "quoted (citierte) in his way" this letter,
altering "the short reference to its contents" i n August
Roeckel's book to "direct oration, as if the orig inal lay before
him" - this, in order to discr edit Praeger ' s version by comparison with the original.

But unhappily for Chamberlain, Praeger

says at the top of p. 174 of bis book that he has merely copied
from a manuscript that he had from Roeckel, adding "and I will
produce textually what he says".

The actual l e tte r b eing at the

time inaccessible, it was impossible for Praeger to know h ow
carelessly August Roeckel had written to him.

2·

Praege r ' s letter to

Edv~rd

Roe cke l of Varch 15th. 1851

given on pp . 188- 191 of "Wagner as I Knew Him".

'lb1s let ter

will be dealt with at some length in the next chapt er, as

�60

Chamberlain's treatlmlnt ot it gives a highly instructive example

ot his methods.

Here I nood only ci to from Praeger' s trans la-

tion the three famous

passa~os

that bear on ,,agner' s part in

the Revolution.
(a)

11

\'/e were all compelled to be prepared for extremes during
those times, for it was no longer possible to endure the
state of things in which we lived, unless we had become

¢

unfaithful to ourse lves."
(b)

"Although I had not accepted a special role , yet I was
present everywhere, actively superintending the bringing
in of convoys."

(Note.

As r egards Praeger ' s translation

ot t ho last phrase, see the end of the next chapter)
(o)

¢/J

"I was act1voly engaged in the revolutionary movement up
to 1ts final struggle, and it was a pure aooidont that
I ,too, was not taken prisoner in company with Heubner
and Bakunin, as I had but taken l eave of

tho&amp;:~

for the

night to meet in consultation again the next morning."
(l~ote.

In tho L.&lt;usical Standard of 1!ay 26th. 1894, Ashton

Ellis objected to Praegor ' s translation of "zusammentraffen" by
"meet in consultation" ; it certainly is not literal, but preSUI!l8.bly Wagner told Praegor tha t they had actually arranged to
meet in consultation)

/J

Reader s who wish to know how bad political circumstances were
in ::&gt;axony even half a century or more later,aro recommended to
read "'!he life- story of tho ex- Cro•n Princess ot Saxony". I
might also refer to tho fact that in this year ot grace 1932,
political violence is not extinct in Germany.
¢¢ Chamberlain sa1d ( p . l72) that the original German t ext runs
"Ich begl eitet e den Aufstand" .

�•

61

!· For

&gt;~er's

statoments to Praeger wo r e ly on the latter's

word.
The test1l:!ony of Ba1lllberger and Weber will be dealt

5. &amp; 6 .

with in a later chapter.
I n this chapte r a further r eference must be

rr~de

to the

extract from (2) , as to t ho people 1 s fear of o. J:t' emo. ture outbreak .

~e

Saxon Government claimed to have definite knowledge

that an o r ganised rising had been planned for l'cay lOth . or at
latest Jf. ay 20th.

The Government view of the matter is contained

in a book of ove r 300 pages, "Der l£ai-dufstand in Dresden", in
which t he whole affair is o p1 tomised by A. ~·ontbe.

Ash ton

Ellis ref ers to it on p . 392 of the second volumo of his l ife

ot Wa gne r; and with that lack of logic and lack of sanae of
proportion so ohara ctor1stio or him, does his boat to discredit
the idea of a prconcertod plan tor a r ising in Saxony by r ef e rring
to a futile attempt to get help from a band of Czech students in
Prag l

And he oi tea Be.kun1n 1 s l ett er, introd ucing Roeokel to

young but unimportant symJnth1sers in Prag as a "plain proof of
tho insurgents 1 u tter lack of anything to be dignified by t he
name of a J:t-eoon oe1ved plan."
attempt to

ge~

But what has Roockel 's futile

hel p from the Czechs to do with tho existence or

otherwise of a plan in Saxony itself?
Rocckel denied that the passage in Wagner 's l e tter
referring to a "premature outbreak" had reference to any conc e rted plan, and says that 1t was misunderstood.

But revolu-

�62

tion1sts who have failod badly are apt to deny as much as possi ble of their shattered plans.

Impartial readers must ask them-

selves t he question "Can we disprove the official account?"

And

if they cannot, t hey should at l east be cautious about dogmatising.

However repugnant the official history of the Revolution

may be to fanatical Wagner1tes, they merel y make themselves
l udicrous in publ ic by arguing that there could not have been a
concerted plan for a rising merel y because Richard Wagner ' s
possible connection with it does not happen to square with their
idea that Wagner was f ashioned in t heir own image.

Any refuta-

tion must be based on solid argument.
Before closing this Chapter, it must happily be recorded
that certain misstatements about Wagner have been finally disproved.

A certain Oraf von Beust, prime minister in the r eac -

tionary Saxon Cabinet of revolution time, published his memoirs
in 1887, and said 'therein that Wagner had bm sted (in a paper
in the archives) of setting fire to the Royal Palace in Dresden
during r evolution time, aro that he was sentenced to death
contumaciam11 •

"!n

In the papers of Wagner 1 s lawyer, F .A • Schmidt,

made public i n 1901, Schmid t states that having, by special
penn1ss1on, examined the State archives "there is nowhere even a
suggestion that Herr Wagner made the attempt, o r had the intenti
to s et fire to the . King's Palace or any other p.tblic or private
building in Dresden".

(See Ashton Ellis , vol. 2,p .4ll) .

It has

further been proved that Beust confounded RiChard Wagner with a

�63

certain Woldemar Wagner who was condemned to death at the
beginning of 1850 (see Ashton Ellis, vol. 2, p . 407); for by an
examination of the official archives it has been sho1vn t hat
Wagne r was never tried or condemned during his absence.

(See

Ashton Ellis, vol. 2, p . 408 ).
On p . 406 of vol. 2. of his "Life" Ashton Ellis says "Upon
first reading Beust 1 s statement, after my attention had been
drawn thereto by l'raegor 1 s book (which treats it as gospel)" etc.
The first reference to Graf von Beust in Pre.eger ' s book is
on p . 178 ; and there Praeger merely refers to a statement of
Beus t i n the Dresden Chamber dUring 1864 t hat the r evolt of 1849
was "an insurrection that embraced the whole of the people of
Saxony".

The second reference is on p. 298, where l'raeger

repeats from Beust 1 s memoirs tho story c£ Wagner "proposing to
burn the Prince ' s Palace".

In accepting this printed story of

the mini ster Praeger acted no w&lt;rse than the reading public in
general; it was not

rev~aled

until later that Beust 1 s story was

f alse.

---------------

�64

On Houston Stewart Chambe rlain' s
deliberate SUPJ)l'ession of e vidence.
I n the

~1Usi ca l

St!mdard of 21.4 . 94,

r.~rs

Praoger wrote as

follows in answer to :•r . Ashton Ellis concerning the letter date
March 15, 1851, addressed by I'Jagnel' to Bdward Roookel of Bath
("Wagner As I Knew Him" pp. 188- 191).

( J.:r. Praeger states in

footnote to p . 188 that the original is in

~1e

possession of

Fdward Roeckel of Be. th) •
"One of the longest letters in the book is that addressed
by Wagne r to Edward Roeoke1 of Be.th, in which ..agner admits
fully his acti ve participation in the revolutionary

strug~le .

As it is part of the 'conspirators ' creed ( Note: By this name
Mrs Praeger Means Ellis and Chamberlain) to see no tault in
~. agner

as a man,

~:r

Chamberlain addressed a l etter to Mr. Roe cke:

telling him that Praege r t.d fabricated the letter referred to
above.

I did not of coUl•ae know of this at the time.

I only

learned of it some couple of months or so after the e vent, upon
receiving a letter from Mr . Roeckel relati ng the incident, and
tel.llng me that he repllod. at once , 'that Pre.eger had translated
the l etter word for wol'd, and enclosed to lt:r. Chamberlain an
exact coP,r of

~~gner ' s

original let ter."

Mrs. Praeger then comments on the gravity cf the accusation .
On May 26
follows: -

Ashton Ellis ropl1 od. i n the l.'usical Standard as

�65

"But I now have seen yet another original document, i . e.
the copy c e rti fi ed by Etlward Roeckel,of wagner' s 1851 l e tter to
himself.

Mr . Chamberlain (see p . 5) has a lready dealt with Lfme

Praeger's charges in this matter; but, seeing t hat she doubted
his having taken

11

fai thful cop! es 11 of the Wagner- Praeger l etters,

I made a point of obtaining from him this special copy of a
~1agner

l etter, this copy certified by her own friend and mention-

ed in her r eply .

The OOPf is initialed on every sheet by Mr . E.

'
Roeokel, Who has also signed his name in full beneath
a statement

on the last sheet 1 t hat be certifies ( 111 ch bezeuge") "that the
above is a verbally•faithful copy of' the letter which I (E .R. )
r eceived in Ma r ch 1851 from my friend Richard Wagner. 11

To all

intents and purposes, then, we have the original l e tter before
us • and up to June 2nd.

I shall be happy to slxlw it, by

appointment at my own residence, or in your off ice, to any
friend, or 2 fri ends, of the late Ur , Praeger.

With the excep-

ti on of 2 or 5 words apparently omitted (by a harmless oversight )
f rom an unimportant clause, and with the exce ption of a f ew
mistakes in orthography such as can scarcely have occurred in
the orig!nal (the copy is not w1•itten by Mr . Roeckel himse lf, I
ought to add) I should have no ~ubt of the accuracy of this
COPf, even without ~lr . Roeckel's certificate ; it is "signed all

over" by Ric hard wagner" .

Mr . Ellis then comments on a f ew slight inaccuracies in
translation, after having censured Praeger r egarding the German
text of Roeckel •s letter.

�66

In the l.'usioa l Standard of l:ay 5 th . ldr. Houston Stewart
Chamberlain wrote as follows: "In your issue or 21st. inst. in an article signed Leonie
Praeger, I find various allegations against mys elf ,

One c:£ t hem

only admits or disproof, as it rests on words whioh purport to
be quoted from a l e tter I took a copy of in my letterpress.
Your correspondent alleges that I wrote to Mr . E. Roeokel
"telling him that Praeger had fabricated (Nol

It was Roecke l

who said so to Lira . Praeger. !t:Q .) the l et t er written by l'lagner
to him in 1851", i . e . s everal years before I was born .

This

statement, whatever its precise meaning may be, is not in
accordance with truth, for I never imgined and never said or
wrote anything which oould lead other people to believe that I
did imgine the l etter in question to be "fabricated" .

I

enclose a copy of my letter to Mr . E . Roecke l; the gist will
suffice for your readers : "having proved beyond question t hat
the l etters in Praeger's book (the Gennan or later text . R.C .)
~rporting

to be from Wagner to the author are not

~bUshed

in

their original shape, but have certainly been touched up (bearf ei tet), I conjecture (ve rmuthe) the s ame of the letter to you
and therefore beg you tor a copy."

Mr. E. Roockel thereupon

very kindly furnished me with a copy, and I was thus enabled to
establish that, . although this l e tter has not been altered to
the same extent as those to Praeger, the two or three words
necessary to make it not only fit into, but back up Praeger' s

l

�67

i maginary account of the ov ents o f

~~Y

1849 have been altered ,

and that, in tho a bsurd process of retranslating back i nto
German , these apparently t r ifling modifica t ions have been pushed
still further in the same sense . "
Mr . Chamberlain then proceeded to comment on \'la gner 1 s
political activitie s.

---------------I n his original criticism of Praeger, da t ed 1893 {i.e .,
before he had applied to Edward Roeckel) Chamberlain wrote the
words {among others relating to Roeckel' s l e tter)

11

tba t no

single sentence is by Wagne r " . ·0n the same page he wrote "that
t his alleged autog ra}il cannot be by Richard Wa gner, I have
already shown in an earlier

P~-rt of

this essay".

In t ha t earlier

part he bases his adverse case entir ely on cri ticism of t he
German as no t being in Wagner's style.
part to a

discreP~-ncy

And he r e f e rs i n the lat

t hat does !121 exist in t he original English

text of Praeger 1 s book.

All of this was reprin ted without

further comment in t he s e cond edition of his book " Richard
Wagner to Ferdinand Praege r" {pp . 67 seq. and 107 seq.)
In his second

~ritici sm

of Ferdinand Praeger , dated 1894,

Chamberlain however admitted t hat afte r all t her e exi s ted an
original of the

lette~

from Wagner to Roe c ke l of May 15, 1851.

He wrote that he h ad not yet seen the original , and t hat the
"ce rtified copy" wh1 oh he had procured conta i ned a number of
obvious mistakes {Schreibfel'ler), which can har d ly occur in the

�68

origi nal, and through which the meaning of certain sentences
becomes almost incomprehensible.

He added that on his next

journey t o England he hoped to copy the original himself and to
obtai n the permission to publish it ; and he added further some
criticisms.

This is reprinted in the second edition of his

book "Richard \;agner to Ferdinand Praeger" ( pp. l7l seq . )
The history of the obtaining of the "certified copy" is
c ontained in the extracts from Ellis and Chamberlain quoted above
but not a word of it appears in Chambe rlain 1 s book "Richard
Vlagner to Ferdinand Praeger" (2nd . edition 1908, reprinted 1912) .
In this second edition he reprints unaltered and without comment
(as stated above) his orig inal d enunciation (of 1893) of
Roeckel ' s letter as a fabrication ( pp. 67 seq . and 107 s eq . )
But in order to s ave h i mself , as he thinks, he reprints (as
stated above) on p. 171 seq . his further criticism (of 1894 )

ot wh ich an a ccount is given in my previous paragraph,
t act t hat Ashton Ellis has

~een

The

the " certified copy", has shown

it to others , s ays that i t 1s "signed all ove r by Wagner, a nd
treats of i t in detail in the Musical Standard of May 26, 1894,
is not mentioned or ev en alluded to.
In tile 1.1 usical Standard of May 5, 1894 , t!r . Chamberlain
admi t ted that excepting " two or three words", t h e v ersion of

•

Wa gne r ' s lette r to Roeckel on p. 188- 19l o f

11

Him" was a correct t ranslation into English.

VIagne r /I.e I Knew
But on P • 172 of

his book (1908 and 1912) he wrote "Pre.eger' s version of the
letter corres ponds nowhere exac tly to the original" ( Praeger' s

�69

Therefore Houston Stewart Chamberlain in his book deliber-

IPassung der Dr i efes stimmt n1rgendour gonou zu dam Original) •

ately and entirely suppressed the absolutel y unimpeachable
evidence he had obtained of the genuineness of

\~agner '

s letter

to Roeckel, in order to defame Praeger in a manner that was
absolutely shameless.
In t h e Jiusical Courier of New York of Jan . 1, 1896, is
published a correspondence between Cosima \lagner and Mrs . A.
Schreiber, who did her boat to champion Praeger .

1 rs .

Ylagner

gives her so- cal led reason for refusing to allow a corrected
version of the Gorman text of Praeger's book to be published,
which is merely that her permission had never in tho f i rst
instance been asked for the publication of· 1'/agnor 's letters to
Praeger .

She declined to do justice to Praeger, and she writes

of !.lr . Chamberlain as follows: "First of all I must mention that to all those who know Mr .
Houston Chamberlain his honour and integrity are unimpeachable,
and the unreserved recognition of this is for me tho basis of
the intercourse in this affair . "
A Note on t;he t r anslation of a passage in Roockel's letter.
In Praeger's translation of Roo~kel's letter (p . 189) occurs

the phrase "actively superintending t he bringing in of convoys" .
In the Musical Standard of May 26th. 1894, Ashton .t.' ll1s s aid
that the literal translation of the German (wirkte fur zuzuge )
should be "worked for convoys" .

This is obviously absurd; the

German f or "to work" (for) is not "wirken" but "arbeiten".

�70

By 1902 As h ton Ellis seoms to have learnt some more Ga r man,
and 1n Vol. 2 (p . 353) of his Lifo or WngnAr ho translated tho
phrase by "I exorted oyself for ro i nforcements", Tlh1ch is still
a very imperfect rendering.
The phrase "mrkte fur zuzuge" is vary hard to transla to.
It might mean either "I exerted myself to g ot reinforcements
(sent), or "I got thL"'gs dono for reinforceme nts", i . e . "prepared
the r.o.y for - " •

The latter moaning is fairly near to Praeg er's

transla tion .

----------

�71

Cl!Al'T.m

XII.

The Roeckols, \iagner and the Saxon revolution.

------------------------- -------------------

-1.
In the Musical Standard of Uay 5, 1894, !mo. Loon1e Pro.oger
wrote as follows: 11\'lhen I camo to this country from Psris in F'obruary, 1848,
the day bofore the Fronch Hovolution broke out, I , my husband and
idward Roeckel (later or Bath. R.C.), tho brother of August,
lived in the same houso.

\'lo formod ono .family.

I t l7ill there-

fore be readily understood that ! board nothing but talk about
revolutionary evonts, and this enables me to testify to tho
fa1th1'ulness of Llr . Praeger 's treatment or

agner at that period"

I t may bo added that all h1s life Edward Roeckel

re~ained

among Praeger 's closest friends, and not even Chamburlain could
attempt to deny the fact.
For tho sake of clonrness, I must here briefly recapitulate
the argument of the last chapter.
I n the

~usical

Standard of May 5th. 1894, Chamberlain

relates how he obtained from Edward Roeckel himself an authoritative copy of tho letter written by Wagner to Edward Roockel on
March 15th. 1851 .

¢

The fact that this copy corresponded exactly

almost throughout to Praeger 's translation was deliberately
suppressed by Chamberlain in his book "R. W. and P. P " (2nd. ad.
1908, reprinted 1912).
¢

He wrote on pa6e 171, "On my no:xt visit

Chamberlain refers to "2 or 3 words" having boon "altel'ed".

�72

to London I hope to copy the original myself and at the same
•
time
obtain permission to make i t public."

This last sentence appeared originally in his second criticism of Praeger in t h o year 1894, and hns remained unaltered in
the reprints made since then .

So the simple fact 1s that upon

his own evidence Chamberlain never visited Edward Roeckol;
indeed, he carefully avoided doing so, although after the deaths
of Wagner • Pl•aeger and t.u,gust Hoockel, t he latter 1 s brother knew
far more about \1c.gner ' s part in the Saxon revolution than did
anyone else, and could have given Chamberlain more author itative
information on tho sub ject than anyone else.
Horaovor, Chamberlain purposely did his utmost to conceal
from his readers Praeger 's

int~tnte

friendship

~1th

Edward

Roeckel, who actually for a while lived with the Praegers in one
household .

He says (p . 109) that after tho revolution Praegor

and August Roeckel seem to have stood in no sort of communication
with each other - as if August's brother Edward could not have

been the 1ntornled1ary!

He del1berately ignores the fact that

Edward Roeckel was very well i nformed regarding the charge
brought against his brother, asking who would have sent details
of the

char~e

to "an obscure piano-teacher" (p. 109) in London.

And in conclusion he says that Praager must have taken his

information reBarding the l egal process against August Roeokel
from the latter's book, whereas beyond all possible question
Praeger got it at the time froro Edward Roeckel.

�73

-2.

On

p. 182 of "Wagner as I Knew Him", Praeger wrote: "The

official accusation of

my

friend (i . e. August Roeckel ) is before

me, and as Richard Ylagner is concerned , I will summarise the
char ge . "

(Note.

"The official accusation" was presumably a copy

or stateMent of it furnished by Edward Roeckel).
Praeger says that the official document concerns

~agner;

and

it does so, for a letter trom \lagner to Roeckel was found on
Roeckel when the l a tter was t aken prisoner, and i t was this
letter that first caused the authorities to regar d Wagner as
being possibly one of the revolutionary l eaders.

But Pr aeger,

who had his i nformation from Edward Roeckel,summaris es the
¢

accusation:-

"It consists of 8 distinct counts to the effect

that he, Roeckel etc . "

Nowhere does Praeger in the original

Engl ish text even suggest that this document , with its 8 counts,
is equal l y an official charge against 1' agner also; he makes it
quite c lear that it applies as an official charge to Roeckel
alone, although he says that it mentions Wagner incidentally not
only as regards the seized letter but also as being one o f those
who brought into Dresden convoys that were received by Roeckel.
The 8 points of the accusation are g iven by Roeckel in his book
("Sachsens Erhebung und das zucht haus zu \1aldhe1m", publ. 1865 in
Frankfurt am Ma i n) , and also by Dinger in his book "Richard
\7agner 1 s Goistige Eutwickelung".

¢

August Roeckel 1 s list does not

Praeger does not profess to give any actual text.

�74

altogether tally with Praegor ' s summary, but the fault of that
lies with Edward Hoockel and tho rae t that the book was sent to
press unrevised and without the knowledge of tho P1•aeger family.
In the original English text occur the words I have already

quoted - "As RichfU'd Wagner is concerned".

In the much less

authoritative German od1t1on, purposely quoted by Chamberlain in
order to give him greater scope for denunciation, this

p~r ase

has been altered to "as it equally concerns IUchard 'lfagner ", if
Chamberlain ' s quotation from the suppressed Gorman edition is to
be trusted.

It is not known to whom this alteration is due.

It is an old trick of controversy to appear to defeat an
adversary by ascribing to his words a different meaning from the
•

one intended, and Chamberlain does his best to make it appear
(p . 112 and p . 117) that Praeger

v~ote

positively that Wagner was

condemned ("Verurteilung" p . 112) by the same tribunal and on the
s ame charge as Roockol.

C~borla1n

further rotors to tho follow-

ing sentences from "Wagner As I Knew Him", in order to mako it
appear that Praegor tel t that ho was "tri'UII'phantly" ( triumphierend
(p . ll2) proving his case: p . l 52 . (A papor read by h&amp;gner before the Fatherland Union)
"constituted part or the Saxon government indictment against
Richard \lagner".
p . l 52 . (The head and front of Wagner's offending, according
to the government) "rested on a letter he had written !'roM Dresden
to August Roeckel at Prague, on tho first day of tho rise, which
l etter was unfortunately found on Roeckel whon taken prisoner.

�75
p . l 56 .

(The paper read before the Fatherland Union) "was

filed aS part Of thO indictment against him. II
(see also pp.l77 and 179 or Praeger's book).
After referring to these passages, Chamberlain, much more
"triumphantly" than Praeger, brings forward the official tact
that Wagner did not receive an actual legal trial , and was not
actually condemned and sentenced.

But where did Praeger ever

say so?

Praeger rotors to the government "indictment" against

\1agner.

But without some kind of "indictment", a word not used

by such a layman as Praoger in a strict legal sense, but in the
ordinary layman's sonse of "formal accusation", how could \'iagner
have been exiled from Saxony?
word "indictment", let him find

If anyone does not like Praoger 's
whatever othor word he pleases

for whatever was tho government process that led to Wagner being
exiled.
Did

~r.

Chamberlain regard Wagner's exile from Germany for

13 years as being due not to any

s~~t

of

ro~al

accusation but

merely to a playful little joke?
In the next chapter will be considered what Praeger calls
the "indictment " or '1'/agner , a summary or the "attestation"
(eo translated by Ashton El lis) which has only boon made public
s i nce

Prae~or 's

death.

I t was an abstract dra•m up by Wagner's

own l awyer in 1863, and publ ished in 1901 in tho

O~:tober

number

of Vol. III of tho Ze1tschr1ft der Internationalen J.tus1kgesellschatt .

-----------

�76
CHAPTER

XIII

Tho Teati mony of !.lax von Weber and Hainberger.

--------------------------------------------Max von Weber was the eldost son of the famous mua1cal
compos or Carl

von Weber , who died in the year 1026 in

~!aria

London, whero ho was burled 1n Moorfields Chapel.

In tho year

1844 his r emains wero taken back to Germany, where he was buried
1n Dresden, and an o.ccount of this 1s g1 von in "\,'agner As I Knew
Hi m" (p . IX) .

Max von Webor, \71th Praeger and others, "obtained

the necessary authority and carried out the r emoval; the body was
received 1n Dresden by Wagner who pronounced the funeral oration".
Thoro wore various references to this i n English journo.ls in
obituo.ry and other notices or Pr aeger .
On p . 193 of

11

\'lo.gner as I Knew Him" Praoger wrote that !.lax

von Vober "told me that ho was present during the Revolution,
and saw Wagner ahoulder his musket".
Doing unable to deny this statement with any plausibility,
Chamberlain resorted to his frequent trick of i gnoring what he
did not like .

On p . l Ol of "Richard Wagner and Ferdinand

Pr aeger" he gives a list of all the CO!Jmrun1cat1ons on Tlhich
Praegor "alleges" to base his narrative; they are six i n number.
The reader who l ooks carefully at the list will see tho.t 1n it
~ax

von Weber is not even alluded to.
ldr . Ashton Ellis (see reference i n the Musical Standard of

May 5th. 1894) added a touch of unconscious humour to tho affair

�77

by saying in defence of Wagner "shouldering is neither presenting
nor firing".

But in the second volume of his Life of

agnor,

giving what he wished to be regarded as a full and detailed
account of the revolution and Wagner, Ashton Ellis omitted all
reference to l.!ax von Weber ' s testimony as completely as did
Chamberla in.

"Discretion is the better part of valour".

In "\1agner As I Kne\'t Hi m" Praeger refers (pp. l 73 seq . ) in

various places to Haimbergor

(~oso

name he misspells as Rain-

borger), from Whom he had f irst- hand evidence as to the part
played by \7agner in the Saxon revolution.

Being unable to rebut

Ha1mberger 1 s testimony, Chamberlain resorts to trickery.

Firstl y,

he rotors 3 times (p . 101 and twice on p. 110) to Jmi mbergor ' s
utterances as being

11

unkontrol l1erbar" (uncontrollable), an

epithet that merely begs the question; in sober truth it is not
Haimberger 1 s utterances but those of Chamberlain that are "unkontrollieDbar".

Secondl y, h e J oss his best to arouse vul6ar

racial prejudice (p . 101) against Raimberger on tho ground that
he was ''hal f German, half Pole", 11hich "a17akens litt le confidence"
in him.

The Germans , speaking generall y, have tended to be

prejudiced against the Poles because the l atter did their best to
prevent t heir nati onal ity from being crushed by tho combined
efforts of the Germans, Russians and Austrians; and this bitter ness has not been sensibly diminished since the Poles recovered
their country tram their throe despoilers .

The answer to

Chamberlain is obvious: -What would the latter have said i f ,
supposing he had had a son, public 1'1I'iters had stated that his

�78

son' s evidence was unreliable because he was "half English, half
Gennan?"

And Ernst Lissauer ' s notorious "Hymn of Hate" is

evidence of Germany ' s prejudice against England not so long since.
\'1ho was Haimbor ger?

On p. 173 of "Wagner As I Knew Him"

Praeger wri tea as follows:"Pirst, Ua1nberger, son of Herr von llainberger, one of the
eight i mperial councillors of the Emperor of Austria .

A musician

of gift, his father wished him to enter tho law, his studies in
which drove him into the ranks of democracy.

Ho came to

l~esden,

and took up his abode vrith August Hoeckel, was a member of the
Fatherland Union, addressed public gatherings, and though but
t wenty yeare of age, was of i nvaluable service in the organising
(such as it was) and controlling of the people .

He was on the

staff, too, of Roeckel ' s paper".
Not very long after the revolution, Haimberger came to
London.

Mrs . Praeger (in the Musical Standard of May 5th . 1894)

r efers to "Julius von Ha1mberger whom Wagner sent to Praeger in
1851" - a statement on which Chamberlain could not even cast any
doubt .
Two poi nts of this description &gt;;U'e of particular interest
here .

In spite of his youthful democr atic sympathies, von

Haimberger belonged to the Austrian aristocracy; this should be

An

borne i n mind in view of Chamberlain ' s attempt to malign him.
at the time of the revolution Ha1mberger ' s age was only 20.

On

p. lll of his book, Chamberlain tries to discredit Haimberger's
evidence on the gr ound that Roockel does not happen to mention

�79

him in his book ("So.chsen's Erhobung und das Zo.cht h au s zu
Wo.ldheim" publ. 1865 in l"ro.nkfurt am Main) on occasions when
Haimberger claims to h ave beon present .

To vmich t h e answer i s ;-

Why should Roecltel havo thought t he presence or a youth of only
20 worth mention?

Or , alternatively, considering all the

revolutionary tunrult, v1ould 1 t not af terwards have be on ea sy t o
forget that on some occasion a youth of only 20 was present?

------------

I

�80
CHAPTER

XIV.

The Official Charges against 1:agner.

----------------------------------The abstract t hat was mentioned at the end of the last
chapter is from the papers of t he late Franz Adolf Schmidt,
legal adviser to Richard Wagner, who was allowed during t he
year 1863 to inspect t he Saxon archi ves in consequence of a
demand of \Vagner himsel f to be cleared of t he suspicion of
having set f i re to t he King's palace .
I have already dealt with how Wagner's letter to Roeckel,
found on t he latter uhen he \Vas captured, aroused Government
suspicion; this is inclUded i n the abstract.

The majority of

tho charges "aro founded on nothing but t he verbal statement of
a single unsworn witness " .

The most i mportant are as follows

(see Ashton Ellis, vol . 2 . pp.410- 411): -

-1.

Wagner is said to have taken part in his garden in

discussions that formed the basis of t he pamphlet on "Folk- arming "

¢

published by August Roeckel .
2.

'iiagner is said to have boon seen at meetings ,.,1th

Bakunin (the anarchist) •
~·
Wagner is said to have ordered from a tinman about 500

¢

On P• 11 of his book "Richard Wagner in der ~lai-Hevolution
1849", Dr. G. H. l'ull er refers to an account by nr . Dinger

his b ook "Richard Wagner's Geistige Entwiekelung") that a
few days before a concert fixed for May 5th . i n t he Opera
House, Wagner said that t he concert probably would not take
place at all, as by the n t h e revolution would infallibly have
broken out, o.nd who could tell what would then become of t h e
Royal Choir ! He knew of the preparations, and was certain of
the outbreak.
(in

�81

hand- grenades , and received del ivery of at least a portion of
them; the t1nman said that they wore "moat undangerous" • which
1s probabiy what he \'K&gt;Uld have said even if they wore the reverse.

-4.

Wagner "is said to have incited a Connnunal Guard rein-

foreement, alike at Oederau and Freiberg, to pursue its march
on Dresden, and in Dresden to have led through tho streets a
rei nf orcement arrived from Zittau". (translated by Ashton Ellis).

-5 .

On May 6th. 1849 (i . e . during the actual insurrection)

"Wagner was seen on the Kreuzthurro; there he is said to have
observed the position of the troops and the approach of popular
reinforcements, to have written dovnl the result of his observations, and to .have dropped the written notes beneath" (translat ed by Ashton Ellis).
And now it may be asked - In what way does Praeger's evidence seem to be exaegerated when compared v1ith these official
records?
are

(,!!)

Tho three most important parts of Praeger's evidence
Wagner's p1,er read before the Fatherland Union, which

he broueht to light, and which is now an accepted part of

~agner

literature; (b) Wagner's lettor to Edward Roockel, which he also
brought to

lieht,

\

and which is now also an accepted part of

Wagner literature in spite of Chamberlain 1 s efforts; (£) the
r eferences to Wagner's letter that was· found on August Roeckel
when he was captured , which letter has since been published in

-

full&lt; and is now also an accepted pax•t of Wagner ' s literature.
Surel y the fuss that was made about Praeger's revelations was
~

See Chapter X.

�82

positively l udicrous !

Suroly one must say that Praeger 1 s remain-

ing evidence, tho state-monte to him or 'l'lagner, 11ax von Weber and
1la1mberger, i s positively mild in comparison with parts or t he
"attestation" just sUI!IIIlarisedl
Let us now consider briefly the points numbered above as
1 to 5.
1.

Those who vant evidence in confirmation will find it on

pp. 253-235 of vol. 2 . of Ashton Bll1s 1 "Life".

llobody could

possibly deny that l'lagner was i ntimate with Roeokel dur ing t h e
revolutionary peri od.

-

t:obody can deny that \'lagner was associated with Bekunin

the anarchist during the revolut ionary period .
l etter to
~·

~dward

Vi de Wagner 1 s

Roeckol (pp. 188- 191 of Praeger).

As regards t ho t1nman 1 s evidence, Dr . Dinger (in his

"Goi s t1ge Entw1ckelung Richard Wagner 1 s ") quotes various details
as the result of his solitary and unverified researches 1n the
Government archives; Ashton

~llis

does his usual tortuous best

to discredit them, and Chamberlain in his book i gnores t he whole
matter uttGrly.

! · Wagner was said to have led through t he streets or
Dresden a r e1nforoemont arrived from Zittau.

In all probability

t his was tho occasion whon Max von Weber saw Wagner shouldering
his musket, and r eader s shoul d be gr ateful to Praegor for a
valuable piece of ovidoneo so entirely i ndependent.

Ha1mborger 1 s

testimony as to Wagner ' s convoy- supervision (Pro.oger pp . l75-l77),
and Stephen Dorn 1 s similar testimony (El lis II . p . 353) are all

�83

of a piece with Max von Weber's testimony and t he "attestation" sunmary of Wagner 1 s lawyer; and we can be grateful to Praeger for
Hatmberger 1 s ovideneo.
~·

This d1st!ng"ishes between the ascertained fact that

Wagner was positively seen on the Kreuzturm , and what he was
reported to have done there .

His presence on the Kreuzturm is

ignorsd by Chamberlain; it is accepted by Ashton Ellis (pp . 348349 of vol. 2), who quotes additional evidence .
a time, a
¢
he there?

tim~

If Vlagner at such

of actual insurrection, was on the tower, why was

llow lot us consider Chamberlain ' s criticisms.
"R.W. and F.P . " he says

th~t

On p . ll3 of

of Praeger's sources of evidence four

are invented, and the remaining two, namely Haiw)erger and Beust,

l

Of t he five given on pp.l92- 3 of l'raeger's

deserve no credence .

book he omits , as I have already recorded, ldax von Weber; he adds
from p . 298 Praeger's quotation from Beust, and from p . l80 quotationa· from what he (Chamberlain) cal ls an "al leged" letter from
Frau August Roeckel to Praegar .

Of these six sources, Beust ' s

publ ished statements have been proved to be false - the only ones;
and tho fact that they were false did not become generall y known

.

until the year 1901, whereas Praeger died in 1891.

On p . l76 of

his book, Chamberlain proceeds to consider what motive Praeger
could have had to

\'II'i te

a book so openly and deliberately malicious

which gives him an excel lent excuse ror inventing further false -

¢ L!inna Wagner ' s testimony on this matter will be found in
Chap. XV.

�84

hoods .

It was not Praeger 1 s innocent book, but ChaMberlain's

foul book that was openly and deliberately malicious; and as for
the motive, it has already boon pointed out.

----------

;

�85
CHAPTER

XV .

Last Words on \'/agnor and tho Revolution.

---------------------------------------I t wi ll have been noticed in the last chapter that the
Government "at testation" regarding Wagner was based on "hat is
called

11

K1ng 1 s evidence", i . e . the evidence of prisoners who

t estified against \'lagner among others , preswnably in the hope of
mitigating their

O\m

punishments.

be suspect, but it need not be so.

Evidence of such a kind may
As already remarked, some

at l east of the charges have been corroborated in other quarters .
There remains a point to which attention should be dravm.
The interval of time between the discovery of l'agner 's letter on
Roeckel, and the flight of \'Iegner from Dresden, vtas less than
24 hours .

aoeckel was captured near midnight on May 7th.; he

was t aken to a magazine enclosure, where prisoners were kept,
was examined, slept part of the night, was roused early , compelled to make a forced march to the Elbe, and was then taken in
a steamboat to Dresden, uhere he was soon broueht to a strong
guard-house by the Leipzigor Thor (see Roeckel ' s "Sachsen 1 s
Erhebung", quoted by Ashton El lis, pp. 395 seq . ) •

Wagner paid

his last visit to t he Rathhaus on t he evening of the same day,
May 8th; and according to Stephen Born, uriting in the Baseler
Nachrichten (quoted by Ashton Ellis vol. II, p . 353) Wagner left
Dresden the s ame night.

It is obvious that the reason the

Government at testation against Wagner contains only

11

King 's

evidence" is because Wagner left Dresden so soon after greater

�86

suspicion was aroused
that the

C~vernment

b~

tho finding of his letter to Roeckel,

had no tiMe to learn at first hand what

.agner ' s activities in Dresden

reall~

were.

Their politicians,

employees and spies did not direct attantion to Wagnor until too
late.

This, of course, hRs loft room for displays of imagina-

t ion by the extremists on both sides.

In this book I am examin-

ing Chamberlain's defamation of Praeger; but in so doing I must
point out that lack of first hand Government infornation enables
ChaMberlain to

den~,

any statement, made

or even make a plausible show of disproving
b~ an~one,

that does not happen to be other-

wise corroborated, and which it happens to suit him to attack.
As for myself, I

onl~

positively admit \·'senor's entanglement in

the revolution in so far as his own statements and the
or what I believe to bo honest and

intell~gent

testimon~

people make it

quito clear; and I have more than once warned the reader against
judging hastily in tho obsonce of sufficient evidence •
.
There remains , however, some further evidence that I have
not yot alluded t o ; and as same of it is accepted by Ashton
;111s, whose plain obJoct is to whitewash Wagnor, and apparently
also to turn him into an

"J~nglish

gentJ,eman" of tho typo of

Ashton Ellis, it desorvos consideration.
On

pp. 339- 340 of Vol. 2 of his "Lifo" Ashton Ellis gives

an account of what ho calls "the sole authent1catod action by
Richard Wagner during the whole disturbance".

\;agner suggested

printing strips of paper with revolutionary propaganda, and when
they were printed ho distributed them with his own hands to the

�87

regular Saxon troops, in order to ascertain their

11

leaning 11 •

Rompler, the pri nter, who saw t his , said that it was a marvel
t hat Wagner was not made prisoner at once, or maybe shot. (See
1f.usika l1sches Wochenblatt for 1894) .
On p . 343 Ellis alludes to the fact that it was said (italics
of A. E. ) that when the brief provisional government of three was
elected on May 4th. "the Kapellmeister (i . e. Wagner) led off the
cheering for the new Government".

He does not give the source

of this report; but just previously he states that it is very
doubtful whether \'iagner was present at the election, giving
however n.:&gt;thing whatever to indicate that this is anything more
than an opinion of his own, and an example of his frequent habit
of denying what he happens to dislike.
On pp. 335-337 Ellis gives a long-winded account in which he
tries to make out that another action reported of Wagner cannot
bo true.

The story is that an order having been g!ven by the
.
Committee of Public Safety to hoist on the Rathhaus roof the

black- red- yellow banner of the new "Reich" , Wagner and others
rushed off to execute it

11

¢

and themselves pulled the bell- ropes

at the Kreuz-Church during t ha attack on the arsenal" that
followed .

Gustav Klotz , an old 'friend of Wagner, was one of the

communal guard before the Rathhaus and exchaftgOd a few words with

-

Wagner as he passed, after which Wagner "hurried away 11 •

Ashton

Eliis thereupon says that i f Ylagner "hurried away" he did not
enter t he Rathhaus.

¢

(i . e . to pull tho bells).

See l at er in tho chapter.

But why could

�88

not Wagner have hurried away trom K1etz into tho Hathhaus?
if

Kiet~

And

vas on guard with his and other reginonts and had his

back turned to the Rathhaus, how could he have soon wagner enter
it?

Did Ashton Ellis think that buildings are guarded by
If Wagner did not pull the bells,

turn1nB one's taco to them?

tho fact cannot be proved by means of mere logical fallacies.
Another obvious fact overlooked by Bllis is that \:agner may have
dono away for a short time and then returned to the Rathhaus .
A row years atter the insurrection, Richard .;agnor Is first
wife lo!inna •(Ellis II . p . 355) said to Prau Wille at ?:urich "J'y
husband did nothing wrong .

Ho merely watched troc the tower- top

for convoys that were to come from the country to tho help of
tho town.

He never stood on any barricade, as pooplo have said

of him; he bore n2 weapon; and only escaped by flight when
Prussian troops were pouring into Dresden''.
The impartial reader may ask, "Vihy should it bo loss wron,g
to

help a revolution by watcbinB for (and announcing) convoys

than doing other things?

And

"Did Wagner by watching for

convoys sot himsel f against the Revolution?"

Further, it must

be l eft to tho impartial reader to decide whether Wagner's
statements to Minna were influenced by t he desire to reassure
a distressed woman.
In the appendix to his life of rtagner Vol . II, Ashton Ellis

refers (on pp . 404-5) to two letters or tho youthful Hans von
Bulow (Vol . 1. Breitkopf &amp; Hartel 1095) .

Ellis says that Hans

was 1n a groat state or nervous excitement at the time; but this

�89

applies only to the first lettor .

In the first Bulow says of

.agnor "he stnnds, I fnncy, in tho 4th battalion of the Communal
Guard, nnd nover shirks his duty, even though it cal l t o death!"
In the second he says "ller o Rietz told pooplo in tho Conserva-

toire that \agner had been secret ary to tho Prov. Government
(\1bich lasted only a vory few daya);

~eser ,

whom I mot yesterday

in Booksellers• -mart, could not precisely say ho had boon
socrotary, but assured me he (Wagner) had taken a considerable
share . "
Theso statements bo1ng unverified and presumably unverifiable , t he impartial reader must form his own opinion on them,
in tho light of what he knows about the voracity and intelligence
of Hans von Bul ow.
Tho l'Oader is noll in a position to estimate t he val ue of the
way 1n which Chamborla1n, anong many other things, does his best
to discr edit what Prnogor said nbout Wagner and tho Revolution,
and

the way in which h1s book is still (A. D. 1932) being openly

sold 1n Oormnny, professes to bo auti1011tntive, and treats
Pro.eger as e. malicious l iar.

But ir1 ordor to complete tho

survey, it is necessary to consider br!efly the writings of
Richard Pohl.
Soon o.ftor nagnor 1 s death, Pohl, a well- kno\m musical
critic, delivorod a l ecture on Wngner boforo t he literary
society of Bnden- Bnden.
Ho.rtol.

This was published by Broitkopf and

In i t occurs tho following pass ago : -

�90

"The Dresdener l!ay- days or 1849 arrived .

Richard 11agner

did not stand on the barricades, as has boon assorted - but he
had takon over tho 'musical direction' or tho Revolution; he
led the signals , the alarm-bol ls; he also organised tho arrival
or ro!nforoemonts from outside, and through apeoohos exhorted
(tho soldiers) to fieht" .

A reference to tho "nlnrm- bel ls" has

been made earlier 1n tho chapter.

That \1nanor "lod the signals"

is a very indefinite expression, and is unlikely to reror to his
activities on tho Krouz-Thurm.
Before tho passage just quoted Pohl explains how (1n his
view) Wagner became a revolutionary. · This other passage runs
as follows: 11Tho recognition that 1t was mado impossible for him, on
tho one hand to make terms \11th the public, on tho other hand
to gain a decisive influence for good en Dl:·d:;dtm theatre-affairs,
had already for l ong made \7agner 's off icial pos1 tion vexatious
to him .

Thus when tho yo111• 1848 arrived, and everywhere evoked

Reforms , Uevt Organisations and L!ovements of Progl'oss, Wagner
believed that tho moment had at last ar1•ived, whon he too could
exort himself profitabl y in order to advance tho status or music
1n the St ate .

lio worltod out tho draft of an organisati on of a

Gorman national theatre for the Kingdom or Saxony - of course
quito in vain .

'fhings remained as they wore .

That made Uagnor a revolutionary .

Through the fruitlessness

of all his efforts at roform, artistic as well as administrative,
he "as l ed to the standpoint, that only a compl ete transformation

�91

of all existing conditions could be of real help.

llo strove for

a goneral reform of political and social conditions in order to
be able to found new art-conditions on such a fowldation."
This view doos not lack cloarness .

Tho topic cannot be hero

considered at length; but it must be taken into account in judging o f Praogor ' s veracity in what he wrote regarding Wagner.
Those who wish to pursuo the subject further are referred to PP•
300- 313 of vol. II ot Hllis' "Life" , which relate some of the
humiliations that

~agner

in his position ot

apollmoister had to

undergo in his efforts at artistic reforms (aeo especially pp.
309- 312).

On

pp . 144 soq : of the same work will bo found a

discussion of an unavailing memorandwn by Wagnor "Concerning
the Royal Band" , and on pp. 224 seq: of Wagner ' s i gnored project
of theatre-reform, which "l iterally brought tho author into the
thick of the revolutionary movement" (Ash ton Ellis).

------------

•

�,

92

Postscript I (Chap . XV. )

I n the yeRr 1927, Wol demar Li ppert, keeper of t he princi pal
publ ic ar chives of Saxony, publish ed a book called "Wagner i n
Exile, 1849- 62".

It is of especial interest on account of

cer t ain let ters of Wagner of which t he

te~t

is given in full

( I quote extract s from t he English translation of Lippert's wor k
published by

o.

Harr ap &amp; Co . in 1930).

As t ho years wen t on,

Wagner vmile in exile addressed various appea ls to the King of
Saxony and infl uential friends 1n Saxony , i n h is endeavours to
obtain an amnesty; and however bitter it must have b een to h i m,
h is endeavours led hi m on to conf essions of guilt t hat gradually
became more explicit, although couched i n general terms.
Thus in his l etter to Ki ng John of Saxony da t ed May 16th.
1856, he Vfrote (Lippert p . 68 ) "In petitioning f or this extra or di nary favour I frankly and wil lingl y acknowledge my grievous
f ault in de serting my proper sph ere of art f or the f ield of
pol itics; I also deep l y and sincerely regre t the f act that by
such conduct I must h ave appeared guilty of the grossest ingr at i tude to my exalted benefactor , hi s lamented Ma jesty King Frederick
Augustus .

Though I cannot p l ead it in justif ication, i t i s

nevertheless a consol at ion to me to know t hat I am innocent of
thi s off ence, and t hat it never occur red t o me t hat my reck less
action woul d be interpreted in this light . "
In 1860 Wagner , although not receiving full amnesty,

r eceived permission to entor t he St ates of the German Confedera-

�93

tion other than Ssxony.

This was due to the influence of

Von Seebach, Saxon Ambassador at Paris, in a letter to whom
(Lippert p . l31- 2) Wagner wrote:- "I am not conscious of' having
committed any really criminal act • •• ••••••••• I may further
hope that by my frank explanations I completely satisfied your
excellency that that sta te of exc'-tement (entirely alien from
my real character) which carried me away under the pressure of
unwont ed circumstances and misunderstandings has entirely
vanished, and that if it was ever possible for me to join a
revolutionary political faction (with whom I really had nothing
in

co~or.),

my present views etc •••••• ••• • cannot possibly

bring me into even apparently er1m1nal relations with such a
body.
The writers who have made such unnecessary and misguided
attempts to \7hitewo.sh Viagnor have vented their anger on the Saxon
Government for declin.1.ng to pardon Wagner f or so many years .
They seem to have been ignorant of t he fact, now made
clear beyond all possible doubt by Lippert, that tho action of
the Saxon Government was in this respect perfectly consistent
and not unreasonable.

Wagnel' was cons1.stently infol"Med that if

he wanted to try to obtain a pardon he must first return to
Saxony and stand his trial instead of' being and remaining a
fugitive from justice.

\1hy did Wagner !'lee, and why did he

apparently dread standing his trial?

At the same time we

~ay

also ask:- if \7agner was led by tho troubles of the times into

�94

tnkinc pnrt (as did many worthy people) in the revolutionary
movemont, noed

Tie

necessarily think tho worse or him as a man?

At any rato he had some spirit

ar~

was not a more lny- tigure,

although we may fairly rogard hie political views as being those
or un i mpulsive artist ''lho had no clear concoption of tho complexities and difficulties of ndm1n1strntivo

-------------

govor~~ont .

�95

Postscript no . 2. ( Chap . XV.)

Dr . G. l!. !lullor, on p.24 of his book "Richard Wagner in dar

Mai Revolution 1849" (published in 1 919 by Oscar Laube in
Dresden) adds some information about Wagne1• 1 s alleged att empt
to set fire to the palace.

He relates that a corta1n Zwingerwall

commanded the first company of the Communal Guar ds on tlay 5th.
1849; they we1•e awaiting :f'tu•ther orde1•s while occupied in guard-

i ng tho museums .

Then follows a passage that I have t ranslated

as follows: - "Late in tho afternoon (before six o'clock), Richard
\'lagnol', e.::: has positively been testified, came to the guards as

spokesman of a few men, \7i th the request that the guards would
a l low thom, from the post where they (the guards ) vtere stationed,
to squirt sulphuric ethor, vitriol and alcohol on to the Prince 's
Palace and the Castlo, \11th a view to setting f'ira to them.

This

\Vas decisivel y r9fused, and so the project came to nothi ng."
In a footnote Dr. Mull er adds that tho a!'fnir is described
in a latter by Schl1Emder of 1 4 . 6 .1849 (only u brief time after
the actual event) to Kochly, but without mentioning Wagner by
n&lt;.une.

Dr . J.: ull er goes on t o say:- "Schwonder, who died in 1901

in Dresden as a respected merchant ,
emphasised, when suspicions wore

r~s

r epeatedly and expressly

e:l\."Pre~sed

to him, that it was

Wagner v1ho spoko at the hoad of those men, and that he ( \'lagner)
una vo1•y well known to him."

Dr . Muller reforo t o of f icia l

documents .

-----------

I

�96

Poatscript lo . 3 . (Chap . XV. )

Even after tho provisional governrnont h ad ret1ro d from
Drosdon in the hopo o r continuing its work and rallying the
poople in the country districts, Wagner cor.tinuod to act as a
member or what remained o f that governmont (see pp . 44-51 ot' Dr .
G. H.

~ uller' s

book "Richard

1

aener i::t der Mai- Hovolution 1849"),

and his activities did not cease until he heard that Heubner and
Bakunin had boon made prisoners .

Ho had i ndeed accompanied the

revolution until it flickered out, as he M.rself wrote later to
Ldward Hoeckel on larch 15th. 1851.
f ccordin,; to a certain Samnig, quote-1 by Dr .

lnl{'; O

Dingor in

his book "Richard t•ar,nor 1 s Oeistige Entwickelung", Uo.gnor on a
brief hurried return to Dresden (a fter tho Provisional Oovol'nment had l eft) was in a highly excited state, nnd Made loud
i nfl ammatory speeches to tho mob (Dr . Jl.uller p . 47) .
loft Dresden, thls timo with nakunln and

~eubner,

He again

with

wh~

he

had a consultation at Freiberg; trey resolved to retreat fUrther
to Chel'l'ni tz .

'3oforo leaving, Haubner made a speech to the people

from the balcony of tho town hall, in the course
ombraced h1m.

or

which \ agner

Tho next morning Wagner learnt at Chomnitz the

news or .l:lakun1n ' s and llou'bnor 1 s a rrest .

------------

�97

·os tscript No . 4 .

(Chap . H . )

On page 44 o!' his book "Richard Wagner in dor l'ni- Rovolution

1849", Dr . G• .II . !ullor r ofors to the fac t thnt nftor his fliJht
from Dresden \;agnor const1 tutod himself messenger of tho Provisional Government "as he himself says, bosougllt to do so".
s ought tho reservists who wore

marchi~

He

on Dresden, and drove

Ylith thor&gt; unt11 they mot fugitive voluntoors who informed him
that the Marbo rs of tho provisional government woro close behind ,
and that 1n Drosdon tho nffair was at an end .

----------•

�98
Post scri pt Uo . 5 .

(to Chap. XV. )

agner in his own recollections ( "~'e in Lobon" , popular
edition, vol. II, pp . 195--260) gives a long account of his
connection with tho revolutionary movement.

11.th the exception

of tho printing of the appeal to the soldiors , he admits no
positive action on his part in favour of tho insurrection, and
throuehout poses as having boon merely an interest ed spectator
(e . g . on pp. 232, 248, 260) .

This part

o~

his autobiography

nust be studied in connection with all the independent testimony
t hat exists regarding tho matter .

----------

�99
CHAPTER

XVI .

Wagner's Letters to

~~e.

Ldonie Praegor.

---------------------------------------

It has already been mentioned that Mme. Prnegor was a born
Frenchwoman; and because of this fact, when Wagner wrote to her
he wrote in the French laJl6unge.
On p. 69 of his book "Richard \'iagner an

Ferdinand

Praeger~'

Chamberlain writes as follows: "All the lettors (i . e . from \'lngnor to tho Praegers) are
written in German, excepting the three 1n the }Tench language to
!.Irs. Praeger, of which the French text 1s given (as is proper);
the orig inals arc all still 1n existence 1n England and have
lain before the author of this book . "
J.!y mother drew up the followiJl6 statement in her own handwriting:"The history of the longest and most important of these
three letters is as follows: -

¢

A few years before Mr . Praeaer s death, L7me . Praeger sold
1

it (in the year 1888) to my hueband Julius Cyriax, after whose
death in 1892 it became my property.
son Di- . Edgar I&lt;' . Cyriax in 1917.

It was given by me to my

Under no circumstances can Mr .

Chamberlain possibly have seen the or1gino.l, for my son Edgar
never had any communication from him, neither did I myself ever
see him.
Aug . 7th. 1932 .
Anna Cyriax" .
------~--------------------------~----------------Note. ldy brother once met Houston Chamberlain; it was at Bayreuth

in August , 1912 .

�100

To which

my

brother added the following: -

"! heroby certify that the above-mentioned lettor written by

llagner to !.Irs . Pro.oger came into

my

possession during 1917. as

stated. and that it has not boen inspected by

~·r .

Houston

Stewart Chamberlain or h1s duly authorised ropreeento.tive at
any time s ince then .
Aug: 21st. 1932.

-------------

Edgar F. Cyriax . "

�101
CHAPTllli

XVII.

Hous t on Chamber lain ' s Enquiries concerni ng Ferdinand Prnegor .

-----------------------------------------------------------On Oct . 29th. 1893 Mr . ChruMberlain caMe to my mother's
house .

He asked to see my mother, but sho happened to be 1n

Sweden at tho time ; so I i nterviewed him in her pl ace .

le

expl ained that ho was interested in everything concerning
Richard Wagnor , and asked whet her \?e had any lettors written by
Waener .

I said that my mother had a number of letters written

by \'oagner to my father , which however \Yore private and not for
publ ication.

P.e asked whether she had any letters written by

Wagner to Praeger, and I said that I did not think so, baing
entirel y unawaro that my mother posse ssod tho long letter in the
French l nnguage written by Wagner to

¢
on pp. 277- 280 of Prnegor s book.
1

~mo .

Prnogor (given in full

I took him to see our "\ ngner

cupboard" , explained to him that the doors of it wore the doors
of the room in Leipzig in \lhich r,agner was born, and shoTied him
t ho relies from tho first per formance of Parsifal .
llr . Chanberlo.in then took hi s l eave, and said that he hopod
to hear from my mother, on hor return to London, whether sho had
any let tors in

iin~er 1 s

handwriting other than those I had

mentioned , more especially any l etters of ' agnor to Pr aeger . Ho
never came to t he house again, nor did he write to me .
~

This is the lettor "hich, as narrated in tho last chapter,
is no" in tho possession of my brother , Dr . lidgar Cyriax .

�102
In his book (2nd. Ed . p.l79) Chamberlain wrote that he
enquired "everywhere diligently" (uborall fleissig) for information about Praeger .

He certainly never asked me a s1ne lo questio

about Praeger, although t h e latter had boon my piano-master and
taught me for years .

This is the more remarkable in view o f his

statement , because the family Cyr1ax were well and widely known
to be among Prnegor's best and most intimate f riends in London.
t~y

mother drew up t he following statement in her own hand-

writing:"I herewith certify that Mr. Houston Chamberlain never
visited me personally, and never spoke to me, and thus ho could
not possibly have made any enquiries of me by word of mouth
concerning l'r . Praeger .
He wrote to me twice .

In the f irst letter (of nov. 27th.

1893) he regretted not having yet received any answer to the
questions that he had put to my son Rudolf.
Praeger had inf ormed him that possibly

~~ .

He wrote that r·rs .
Cyriax had come into

possession of one or more letters from Wagner to Praeger; he
asked for the loan of the originals or for certified copies.
After the death of my husband Ju.l 1us Cyriax in 1892 , I had not
yet looked through all the papers he had left me, and did not yet
know t hat he had bought and put away in safety the long letter in
French written by Wagner to Mrs . Praeger, and referred to in the
previous chapter , so I wrote briefly to Mr . Chamberlain to say
that I only possessed let ters written by Wagner to my husband and
these we:.-e quite priva te and not for publ ication.

Mr . Chamberlain

�103

'~ote

to me again (on Dec . 5th. 1893) and requested

~a

to inform

him if ever I found any record of the possessors of the letters
"sold through the medium of Mr. Cyriax" .

But this presumption

that Mr . Cyriax had sold l etters of Wagner, presumably on behalf
of Praeger, was I believe groundless, as I have no recollection
of any such transaction .
and he never

~ote

I did not reply to this second letter

to me again.

In neither of his letters did he

ask me for any information concerning Praeger himself .
Oct . 5th. 1932 .

Anna Cyriax. ''

I t must be added that Houston Stewart Chamberlain never
made any enquiries concerning Praeger of any of us children,
although five out of six had had piano lessons from Praeger.
In view of this fact on the one hand, and on the other that

-

Chamberlain said in his book (p.l'79) that he had enquired
"everywhere diligently " concerning Preeger, it became necessary
to enquire into his statement further .
On

Aug . 25th. 1932 I

'~ote

to Mrs . Ldonie Edwards (n6e

Praeger} for information on the point.

Her reply is dated

26. 8 . 32:"Dear Rudolf

-------------------·-I think my mother only saw Chamberlain the once to
which she alludes in the Musical Standard .

She never had

seen him before that time.
Chamberlain never made any enquiries from me nor

�103

wrote to me again (on Dec . 5th . 1893) and requested tro to inform
him if ever I found any record of the possessors of the letters
"sol d through the medium of 1/. r . Cyriax".

But this presumption

that Mr . Cyriax had sold l etters of Wagner, presumably on behalf
of Praeger, was I believe groundless, as I have no recollection
of any such transaction .

I did not reply to this second letter

and he never wrote to me again.

In

neither of his letters did he

ask me for any information concerning Praeger himself.
Oct . 5th. 1932.

Anna Cyriax. ''

I t must be added that Houston Stewart Chamberlain never
made any enquiries concerning Praeger of any of us children,
although five out of six had had piano lessons from Praeger .
In view of this fact on the one hand , and on the other that
•

Chamberl ain said in his book (p.l'79) that he had enquired
"everywhere diligently" concerning Praeger, it became necessary
to enquire into his statement further .
On Aug . 25th. 1932 I wrote to Mrs . Leonie Edwards (nEfe
Praegerl for information on the point.

Her reply is dated

26. 8 . 32:"Dear Rudolf

---------------------I think my mother only saw Chamberlain the onco to
which she alludes in t he Musical Standard .

She never had

seen him before that time .
Chamberlain never made any enquiries from me nor

�104

"Drunnhilde about my father, and I don't think he did of
Wilfred, but the last named would tell you definitely if
you asked him.

I never even saw Chamberlain nor did

Brunnhilde - and I only heard of him. when he made himself
so antagonistic to my father's wor k .
With kindest regar ds to you from us all
Yours very sincerely,
L6onie }o;. c . Edwards . "

On August 28th. 1932, I obtained inf ormation from Mr •
•

Wilfred Praeger in person .
presence of

hi~ ~ire

He told me ·most positively i n t he

(formerly Miss Bl yth, a well- knovm Wagner

enthusiast) t hat Chamberlain had never made any enquiries of him
ab out his father , and that Chamberlain and his father had never
met .
Thus when Chamberlain made his remarkable statement he had
not enquired about Pr aeger of any member or t he family .

The only

member or the family he ever saw was Mme . Leonie Praeger , and her
only once; and on that occasion he only asked concerni ng Wagner's
l etters to Praeger.
Before making enquiries of any members of tho Praeger
family, I had already sought f or inf ormation elsewhere. On
August 3rd. 1892 I wrote to Mrs . Forman ( "Alma Jr.urray 11 ) , and
she replied as follows: 11Dear Rudol f
No.

Mr . Houston Chanberlain never approached us; and

I feel pretty sure had he done so to J.1r . Mosely or Mr .

�105

"Dowdeswell we shoul d have heard it .

Of course I may bo

wrong, but t h ink I should have remembered had I ever heard
of him.

------------------------Yours etc.

Alma Murray Forman. "

Mr . Moseley was tho rounder or tho London branch of tho
Wagner Society} he wo.s a l so a great friend of Alfred Forman .
l'r . Charles Dowdeswoll was a member of the former art- firm
•

Dowdeswell, of Bond Street; he was a staunch friend of Praeger
and

a frequent pilgrim to tho performances of Bayreuth .
From what Chamberlain says on p . 171 of his book it is

pl ain that he never avon so.w Edward Roeckel, who kno\V Praegor
so well that at one time ho lived in one househol d with him, and
that be never made any enquiries of Roeckol excepting \Vith
regard to the letter to him from Wagner of whlch tho toxt is
gi von ln full on pp. 188- 191 of Praogor ' s book.
Chamberlain does not in bls book name oven a single person
from Whom he made any onquirles of Praeger .

Indood it i s

obvious t hat ho carefully avoided many or most of those who
could speak with author ity, and that his statoment that he
enquired "everywhere diligentl y" concerning Praegor is slmpl y an
i mpudent falsehood .

--------------j

�106

CHAPTER

XVIII.

Letters of Richard Wagner alleged by Houston Stewart
Chamberl ain to be apocryphal.

---------------------------------------------------Of the 35 letters of \"lagner to Praeger, of which translations are given in the original English text of

11

\'lagner As I

Knew Him", 21 passed finally into the possession of Lord pysart.
Chamberlain took great credit to himself f or giving in his book
"Richard Wagner and Fer dinand Pr aeger" tho alleged correct text
of these 21 letters, although in the "Musical Courier" of New
York of Jan . 1. 1896, !.'rs. A. Schreiber stated that Chamberlain
had intentionally l eft out l arge parts of five letters and

'I

omitted various postscripts.

She further stated that Lord

Dysart was concerned at such a proceeding, but that Frau Cosima
had intervened, and through her possassion of the copyright of
Wagner's letters as long as she lived, had prevented a corrected
German edition of Praeger 's book from bei ng reprinted.

Chamber-

l ain had in fact been granted the sole permission to reprint the
l etters of Wagner to Praegor in his book, and had therefore been
able to mutilate t hem as he chose while professing to give the
German publ ic the exact text .
In his second cr•tic1sm (1894) of Praeger's book (reprinted
1n "Richard Wagner an, Ferdinand Praeger" ) Chamberlain stateti his

convic.ticn (p . l63 of R••v. and F .P . ) t hat of the remaining 14
.
l etters (which Lord Dysart never had) tho majority wore altogether
apocryphal, and others distorted through interpolations to the
~

See end of chapter for the text of the extract from t'rs.
Schreiber ' s letter.

�1 07

But (p. l 65 of R.P. and F . P.) he

point of b eing unrecoanisable.

rel ated how he had visited Ume . Praeger i n ·London and made
enquiries of her as to the missi ng l etters .

Mme . Praoger's

version of this interview was given in the Musical Standard of
Apri l 21, 1894 .

!.lmo . Praeger, relates Chamberlain, assured him

repeat edl y and emphatically that the 14 "missing lett er s" had
boon destroyed by her husband, because they contai ned detail s of
a too intimate kind f or publication .
wrote that nobody could doubt

~e .

Thereupon Chamberlain (p.l65

Praeger's l ove of t r uth; but

in the same sentonco he throw doubt on her memory and source of
i nformati on .

He further doubted that Wagner had over told

Praeger anything very intimate; and then he asked who in the
wor l d woul d destroy such documents?
Per sonally I know Praeger vory well ; he was very honest and

•

pl ain- spoken, and the sort or man who would not hesitate t o
destr oy such documents if he had a mind to do so.
puts it very well 1n the

~usical

~rs.

Schreiber

Couri er of New York of June 26,

1895: - "It was Praeger ' s nobility of character uhich led him to
destroy the documents in question, and thereby koep trom publication anyt hing which might compromise his much-loved friend and
rouse t he world ' s advers o criticism of hi m" .

On p . 360 of the

German edition of "r,•agnor As I Knew Him" Praeger r eferred to
these l et t ers as follows: - "I fe l t i t my duty to mention a l l I
have e7.per1enced,
just as

~ch

~d

quoted for this reason in every case only

from the letters a s would vouch for tho truth of

what I l"ol at ed wout Wagner " (transl ated by

~·rs .

Schreiber) .

�108

Was there any special reason more than another that led
Pr aeger to destroy some or all of the missing 14 letters written
to him by Wagner?
llow tot1srds the end of the year 1893, Mme . Praeger accidental ly foWld a box containing some letters of \"lagner to Praeger
which the latter had evidently f orgotten, and which did not
appear in "Wagner As I KneVJ H1m" •

Mme. Praeger related this in

the Musical Standard of April 21, 1894; and in the same paper of
5 1 1894, she made public the unabridged text of two of the

~my

l etters .

I t is noteworthy that in both the incurably extrava-

gant Richard Vlagner made reques t s for money.

In fact Praeger,

who himsel f was never well off, destroyed some if not all of the
14 "missing letters 11 mainly because he did not want the world to
know the extent to which Wagner had appealed to him for pecuniar y
aid.

And further, there were 1n the letters certain references

t o Minna (\'Ieg ner's f irst Vlife) which Praeger thought should not
.

be made public .

~

I may add that on Sunday, July 31, 1932, at 2 Denmark
Avenue, \'11mbledon, !.&lt;rs . Leonie Edwar ds (nde Praeger) told me
that she had

personal~y

seen all the 35 letters during the course

of her father writing "Wagner As I Knevt H1m" , and she added t hat
she knew definitely that on a certain occasion various papers
relating to Wagner were destroyed, although she hersel f d1d not
actually see them destroyed.

¢

She made this statement to me in

I owe this statement to Mr s . Ldonie Ed\7ards (nee Praeger ) and
Mr . Wilfred Pr aeger .

�109

the presence of Mr . and Mrs . Richar d Edwards and of Miss Muriel
Edwards.
From the Musical Standard of April 21st . 1894, I append
Mme . Ldonie Praeger's account of the finding of the additional
l etters .

"On the 18th. of February last,

I

was, with the assistance

of my daughter, Brunnhil de, making room for the storing of a
flower- stand .

To do this I had to remove some lumber, when, by

the merest accident, I came upon a bundle of books and newspapers,
in t he midst of

~ich

a small wooden box.

vms

On opening the

box I found it contained letters, and to my surprise one in
Wagner's handwriting .

I

thereupon called my son Wilfred and

together we went through the box, finding no less than 16 letters
from Richard \'Iegner, besides some from Berlioz, Bulow, Liszt,
and others.

llo doubt some of these Wagner letters are those

which Mr . Praeger refers to in his book (p. 300) as having been
received by him but which he did not elect to reproduce .

Of

course Mr . Ellis has singled out this r eference and bluntly
suggested that it was an untruth on the part of Fer dinand
Pr aeger.

The whole of these letters I then sent to total

strangers for transl ation.
with me .

The l-etters and t ranslations are now

Brief l y , they relate to money matters , copyright,

Minna, projected concerts 1n London, his Zurich neighbour , etc .
etc .

They all breathed a spirit of t he closest intimacy with

Ferdinand Praoger .

They are val uable documents, all of which

shall bs gi ven to the public at some time .

I wlll, however,

�110

ask you, ur . Editor, to be good enough to publish at l east two,
both in the original and with t heir English

~onder1ng".

(For t hese 2 letters vide N. St . of May 5, 1894).
Extract from llrs . Schreiber's letter i .n tho New York
"Muaical Courier" referring to Houston Chamberlain's al leged
mutilation of Wagner's letters.
"The book ' Wagner wie ioh 1hn kannte' is now corrected, and
Lord Dysart wishes to republ ish it, together with the photographs of the original letters.

But Lord Dysart's publisher,

Carl iJUnoker, of Dorlin, m•ote that you forbade him publishing
these letters, and that you threatened to bring nn notion against
him if he did so .

This surel y must be a misunderstanding .

Very

l ikoly it has not cOJTte to your kno\fldc!ge that Lord Dysart allowed
Mr . Chamberlain to copy tho oria 1nal letters on the understanding
that he was to publish them in their entirety in Germany.

But

Mr. Chamberlain, withou t the permission o f Lord Dysart and without g iving him information thereof, omitted considerable portions
of the text of 5 letters, and also left out several postscripts .
This is the more astonishing, as Ur . Chamberlain himself in his
ori tical pamphlet oallod Orig inal !.etters of Richard Wagner to
l&lt;'e rd1nand Praeger, pago 9: "ovon tho very smallest detail is of
interest if it concerns a man l ike Richard \'lagner" .

Now Lord

Dysart considers it an absolute necessity that the l etters
should appear in t hoir complete form" .
(Note .

Frau Cosima flatly declined all )'rs . Schreiber 1 s
reques t s) .

�111

Extr act from a letter from tlrs . A. Schreiber to Praeger's
patron (Lord Dysart) dated 29 .10 . 96.
"You will be surprised to hear that Mr . Chamberlain asserts
that he had to copy the Wagner letters at Buckminster very
hurriedly at night by candlelight, and therefore was compelled
to leave out text.

He further says that he made no secret of it,

that ll.ra . Praeger, or rather those who attack him, knew this long
ago, because he repeatedly explained it privately and publicly.
01' course I know nothing of the kind and I wrote tlr . Lebrecht

(the lawyer) to let
assertions .
fried" .

1~.

Chamberl ain bring the proofs tor his

The original copies, he says, are 1n "Villa Vlahn-

Your Lordship TT!ll remember , that t'.r . Chamberlain

wrote to you Frau YJ€1gner kne'ft noti:ling at all about the l'raeger
book.

On the whole, I think !.lr . Chamberlain has made out a bad

case for himsel f, for 1t he was aware or having made slovenly and
incomplete copies of the letters he had no right to publish them
as originals .

~~ .

Ellis wrote not a comma or dash has been

omitted by J.lr . Chanberlain. 11
(Note:
I
quot~

See also Ashton Ellis ' "Life of i'lagner ", Vol . V.p. 416)

have to thank the O\mer of the letter f or pei'111ission to
this passage .

----------

�112

CHAPTER

XIX.

Praeger's Visit to Wagner at Zurich.
\

-----------------------------------

During a year given by Praoger as 1856, altho•;g.'l the date
has been disputed, Praege r vis! ted Vlagne1• at Zurich.

He gives

an account o f his visit in Chap. XXI, and at the end of this
chaptor wrote as follovro: "Dtu•ing my stay I saw .Minna's jealousy or another.

She

refused to see 1n the sympathy of Pladrune \'lesendonk for Ylagner as
a composer, t h at for the artist

only~

It eventually broke out

¢

1nto.a public scandal , and filled the opposition papers wi th
indignant rop1•oaches about 'ilagner's
friend .

ingratit~de

On leaving Zurich I went to Paris .

towards his

There I wrote to

Wagner an expostulatory letter, alluding to a couple of plays
with wM.ch we we1•e both familial', viz; "The Dangerous Neighbour hood" and "The Public Secret", with a view of warning him
priva tely in such a manner that Minna should not understand
should she chance ·to x•ead my letter .
soon.

The storm burst but too

Wagner wrote to me while I was still in Paris: "The devil

is l oose .

I shall leave Zurich at once and come to you in Paris .

lt.eet me at the Strassburg station" • ••• • But two days after, t h is
was cancelled by another lotter, an extract from which I give.
1

1.1attera have been m::.oothed over, ::o t hat I am not compelled

to leave hore .

¢

I hope r1e shall be quite free from annoyance in

The month and year (or months and years) in which these
c.ppeo.red woul d be a help to the correct dating o f Praog er 1 s
narrative.

�113

1

a short time ; but aehl, the virulence, the cruel maliciousnes s o f
a&lt;r.!lG of my onemies .

1

·

I can toot1.fy •,:ognor sufforod aevcroly rron thoughtlessness . 1
It Praeger was in Zurich not 1n 1856 but 1857 (as Chamberlain
•

asserts) it was about a year boforo Wagner loft Zurich and parted
from Mathilde \lesendonk.

Somothing must be said about tho

affair between Wagner and his friend ' s wife before passing on to
consider the subject of dates .

The latter ia important, as

Chamberlain has fastened on a certain carelessness shown by
Prae63r regarding dates 1n order to make out Prneger to be a
most intentional and inveterate liar .
In the year 1904 appoarod "Richard _Wagner and J.!ath1lde

Vlesondonk" wit h pref'aco by Prof. Dr . Wolfgang Oolther, published
in Berlin by Alexander Dunckor .

It contained \'lasner 1 s letters to

Frau \'fesendonk, and pi.U'ts or h1s diary written for her; at the
ond were added 14 or her letters to Wagner.

As both parties to

t h o affair were already married, they regarded any union between
the~ selves

as being out of the question; but scandal had been

aroused and protracted for a l ength of time; serious quarrels
took pl ace betweon \'lagnor and his firs t wife Minna, leading to a
temporary broach.

In t ho ond r;llGDer and Frau Wosondonk agreed to

part, which they did during August 1858, although they conti nued
to correspond in a most int!mato and affectionate manner until
during 1664
by Cosir:.a.

~agner ' a

attention was distracted fl•om Frau Wesendonk

�114

In view of nagner 1 s later behaviour to Bulow 's wife, it

woul d not have bean altogether sru•prising if Wagner and Frau
Wasandonk had boon led away by what is called "guilty passion",
but there 1s no positive evidence of this .

Readers must judge

for themselves \Thotber such a correopontlunce in&lt;llcatos nothing
more than a high- f l own lovers' passion of a purely spiritual
!rind .

In any case, most thoughtful 1•eaders will agree with the

opinion I have hoard various times expressed, that her husband
Otto \'losendonlt pushed forbear ance to rather remarkable limits.
And evory reasonable reader must realise tlult l-linna Wagner bad
abundant cause for jealousy.

Minna did not understand Wagner's

l ater and higher artistic development, whereas Mathil de \'/esendonk did; but Minne., as Wesner's legal wife, had every rie;ht to
object to Wagner ' s manifest preoccupation with another woman moreover, another man' s wife !
In his book Praeger speaks of only one visit to Zurich .

Chamberlain (p . l 35) wrote that Praeger ' s visit must have been
in 1857 .

He gi ves four chief reasons for this , one of vmich is

that in Wagner ' s letter to Fischer of Oct . 29th. 1857, he say s
that he has had various visitors durine the aUJmner "for a longer
or shorter time" , among whon1 lias Praeser ; and this of course is
unanswerable evidence that Praezer visited Wagner at Zurich
duri ng 1857 .

Chruuberlain further poi nted ottt that. Pr aeger says

he l ived i n tho "charming chul et " - which \7ngnor did not enter
until April 1857 (seo Driofe and Liszt, II .l62), and says that
Wagnor \7as composi ng the second net of Siegfri ed - which must

�115

have been tho aUllllller of 1857.

Boa ides all this Chamberlain

points out that during "a great part", though not all, of the
aUllllller of 1856 Wagner was not in Zurich.
Having oat ablishad that Praogor visited \':ngner in Zurich
during 1857 , Chamberlain accuses Praeger of the moat reckless
l ying regarding his story of the f irst origin of tho music of
Tl:'istan and Isolde.

According to Praoger (p.293), Wagner drew

his attention to Gottfried von Strassburg's "Tristan and Isolde"
and, as Praeger wrote "we spoke long and earnestly as to its
adaptab1l1 ty for operatic trea tmont" .

This is just what woul d

have happened between two such good friends, more especiall y as
Praagex· was a trained practical music:lllll so much in sympathy
wl th Wngner .

Chambe1•lain, however, dlllllllS the account not only

on account of the trrong date, but because Praeger \'lrote "But at
tho time he spoke , 1t appeared (sic) to me he had no thought of
utilising it as a libretto".

Thereupon Chamberlain proceeded

to trample on Praeger because Wagner had already conceived the
idea of a "Tl:'istnn and Isolde" in the year 1854 (vide his letter
to Liszt II . 46); and Pohl r1as told 1n August 1857, when he Tlas in
ZU1•ich, that the poem of the first two acts was already completed
Nm1,

i n tho first place, evan although Wagner had conceived

the idea some time boforo, it was only natural that he should
ask the opinion of a t1•ained musician and Cl'i tic like Praegor
on. such a subject without first "giving hilll$elf away" too much,
aa is aaid.

And again !t was only natural that after such an

enthusiastic discussi on Wagner ' s inspiration should have beon

�116

stimulated to the point ot beginning to conceive musical thomas
for the subject; it is indeed most probable.
There remains the difficulty ot date .

I hnvo proved Praeger

to be most truthful with regard to a number of statements tor
which be bas boon most unjustl y attacked .
was somewhat c areless as r egards dates .

As I have said, be
Is thoro ony simple

and easy explanation that has boon overlooked by his too-clever
detr actors, ono \'lhich sol vas tho problem of Prnee;er ' s "Tristan"
story?
When Praegor wroto about his experionces in Zurich, it was
betwoon 20 and 30 years later .

I t may porhnps bo suggested

that be paid a longer visit to Zurich in 1857, to which rotors
most of what ho rol atos in Chap . XXI, nftor a shorter one in
1856, during which occurred the "Tristan" opisodo .

There

r emained f i rmly in Praoger ' s mind the doings of uagner and the
many artistic discussions and experiences; then, after so l ong
a space of time, he forgot the first short visit as having been

11

separ ate, and mixod it up with tho second .

It

mu~t

bo under-

stood that I refr ain from dogmnt1sing ; I run meroly pointing out
a possibil ity that has boon overlooked by those who aro anxious
not t o explain, but to slander.
Prneger ' s version of the .osendonk attair is one moro
testimony to the truth of his narrative .

He rotors to Gorman

papers that attacked Wagner on tho subject at tho tine, but he

11 It must be romernborod that Praogor led an exceedi ngly busy
l ife, and did a e;ood donl of t ravelling .

�117

himsel f was the f irst aut h or in England to have t ho knowledge
and courage to deal with t he matter .

Ashton El lis (vol.III , p .

273 of his "Life " ) attncked v1h at he called t he "scandal-mongers "
most bitterl y , and h imself ga ve a f ine example of "virtuemongering" that i s most amusing to read in t he l1ght of the
l ot t ors of Wagnor to Mathilde \,e sendonk published the very ne xt
year (1904) .

Ellis refers in a footnote to his share i n the

exposure or "Wagner As I Knew Him","where the i nnuendo made its
first impertinent appearance in t h e English tongue".

Ue now

know that Praeger did indeed writo about the matter from personal

¢

observation.

Chamberlain himself admitted (pp .l35- 6 of his book) that
.
Praoger ,·,as in Zurich in 1857, although he arb! trar1ly cuts do.-m

¢¢

the time of his v1s1t ; and of

CO\~se

during this time Praeger 1n

any case could not help becoming well acquainted with the Wosendonks .

On p .l37 , Chamberl ain wrote that t he Wesendonks remember-

ed neither the name nor the person of Praeger ; Ashton El lis had
made enquiries on the subject in 1892, in consequence of the
passage above- quoted 1n Pr aeger's book.

As to \T.bich it is only

¢ of t he val uable corroborative evidence in Richard Pohl 1 s

article in the Augsburger "Allgemeine Ze1tung" of April 8th
and 9th. 1883 .

Wagner i n his own r ecolloctions("Mein Leben", popular edition
vol . III . p . l 39) says that Ferdinand Praoger came to visit him
1n Zurich during 1867, at the beginning of August, when he
had just f inished the second act of Siegfried ; but he does
not say when Praeger l eft .

�118

necess ary to remark t hat it was the sottled policy of ·t he Wesondonks to deny the whole affair completely as long as
We8endonk was still alive .

~athild e

I t was not until after hor death

t hat the truth was revoaled .

-----------?ootnote to P • l l4, Chap. XIX .
( ••••••••• In vi ew of Wosner ' s lator beh avi our to Bul ow' s
wife •• • )
Tho reader i 8 further referred t o t he affair b otween Wagnor
and !:mo . Jes8i&amp; Laussot in Bordeaux 1n the year 1850 .

\7agnor

gives an e.ooount of this in h1s recollections (":Me1n r,eben" ,
popul ar edition, pp. 293· 307 of vol. II) ; he con fes8es (p . 302 )
t hat .t he aid of the police wa8 called 1n t o prevent hir.l from
moet1ng her; and also (p. 306) how her husband took Jessie away
on hearing of Wagner 1 s coming to Bor deaux again, w1 th Wagner 1 s
own

:~.•etorences

to having been "slandered" .

•

�119

f HAI'rER

XX

Praeger ' s Keet1ngs with Wagner in Paris . 1859· 61

-----------------------------------------------On p.302 or "Wagner as I Know

Him", Praogor wrote or Wagner

as fol l ows:-

"So,
of Paris.

in the autumn or 1859, again ho attempts the conquest
He wrote to mo, asking f or an introduction to certain

friends who would assist him 1n securing tho les nl copyright of
h1s compos! t1ons .

I took stops to put him into collll!lun1cat1on

w1 t h the des1rad adv!sors'' ••••••• •
Chamberlain (p. 141 ) tried to pour sarcasm on Praeger the
Protector , Praeger who introduced Wagner to Paris, Praeger whom
Wagner consulted at every important step, otc .

llo cUd h1s very

boat to depict Praogor as a nobody who was bursting with conceit
and self- importance, and ever r e ady to magnify h1s own acts to
"epic dimensions" (p. l 80) .

He wrote that already i n 1858

Wagner had begun negotiations with L1szt 1 s son- in-law Oll1v1er
1n

r~gard

to copyrights and said that the whol e of Praogor 's

story was an 1nvont1on (p . l42) .

However, he admitted i n a foot-

noto to p . l42 that Wagner, before he wont t o Paris and made
Olliv1or 1 s acquaintance, wrote to Praeger about th1s matter (i . o .
or copyright) and had roce1vod useful addresses (see latter to
Mi nna Wagner of

Jm1 .

17th. 1858).

Obviously all that 1s

necessary to correct Praeger ' s careless words i s to alter tho
phrase "Be wrote to mo" to "He had already wr1 tten to me· 1n 1857".
But as regards Chamborla1n 1 s s piteful calumny that Praegor

�120
was a mere nobody, a mere "obscure pio.no- toachor" (p. l09) of
ovel'\'Yoening solt- 1mportance, something more must be said.

Some

account of Praogor 1 s l i fo and achievements waa givon in the
first chapter .

In Chaptor XVIII it was made clear that Chamber-

l a in had avoidod at an y r ate most of those Who could speak about
Praeger with author ity, and then had told l ies about the enquirie
he professed to have made.

And now it is necessary to deflate

the bubbles of Chamberl ain's swoll en r hetoric about Praegor' s
real servi ces to Wagner.

Chamberlain never hnvi ng made any

serious otfort to learn nnyth1ng about Praegor was obviously
.
ignor ant that tho l atter, until he had an accident to one of his
hands, was a woll- known pianist who played in public not only in
.Engl and but also in various countries in Europe .

He, a Gorman,

born of Dutch paronts, played with success in Paris, notably at
the Salle Erard; and it was i n Paris that he mot his future wife .
If Pr negor knew Paris well, his Parisian wife knew it exceedingl y
well; if
more.

Praeg~r

had many frionds in Paris , his wife had yet many

To cOMe down trom Chamberlain ' s windy abuse to hard facts

Praeger wns just the per son f or Wagner to apply to for informat i on and help regarding Paris nnd its society .
On pp. 303- 4 Praegor relates how while he was with \'lagner
1n Paris , the latter received a message

trom Badjocki (Napoleon

III 's chamberlain) that tho Emporor had commanded ( in Praeger ' s
wor ds "arr anged for") a performance of Tannhausor at t he Orand
Opera.

Chamberlain tried to pour ridicule on this, because

Wagner wrote to Liszt on

~arcb

20th . 1860 t hat a performance of

�121

Tannhauser vtas 1n pr ospect in Paris, and because Praeger could
not have heard what he described during his "summer- holidays in
1860" .

As if Praeger could not have been in Paris for his

Easter holidays or at any other time!

As if a musical critic

so wel l - known as he was, and of such importance, had not to do
~

any travelling 1

Furthermore, Praeger 1 s story only refers to

Napoleon ' s personal intervention, not to anything mooted by
anyone else ; or did Chamberlain imagine
ally responsible for

~veryth~

tl~t

Napoleon was person-

at the Paris Opera?

And indeed

Chamberlain himself admits (p.l42) that he could not state t he
date \vhen the Emperor interposed his own \'tishesl

----------------

~

Wagner, in his own recollections ( "Mein I.eben", popular
edition, Vol . III , p . 244) mentions Praeger, among others,
as having come to Paris to attend the f i r st performance
of Tannhauser there.
Further (Vol . III, p . 247) Wagner
narrates that Pr&amp;eger was presented at a conference
(including Hat zfeld, Erlanger, Kietz and Wesendonck ), at
which the obsttlcles that wer e being put in the way of the
performance were being dlscussed, and he mentions Praeger
as one of those who for the time being despaired or a
per formance actually taking pl ace .
I may add that when I was still a young boy I heard from
Pr e.eger 1 s own lips an account of the perf ormance, and of the
behaviour of the members of the Jockey Club and the disturbance they created .
So far as I r emember he gave me this
account before Wagner died.

�122
C.IAPTBR

XXI.

Praeger 1 a Advice to Uaener about Begging Letters

-----------------------------------------------Praeger v1a1tod \'lagner in Llunchen 1n the year 1865.

On

p.

143 Chamberlain wrote: "This short visit produced a choice
flower of Praeger's power of i nvention. "

Wagner requested
¢
PrQegor t o work through a packet of begging l etters .
"I did
this at Wagner's request, 1n order also to g1vo him advice as
to whom and how to answer, as with regard to such affairs he had

much less worldly experience than myself. "

On which Chamberlain

malcos the following would-be spiteful comment: - "Lucky German
music- teacher who, in t ho answering - not in tho writing - of
bogging l e tters had worl dl y oxper1enco!"
Unlike Chamberlain, I prefer to procure ovidonco f or statemonts made .

On enquiry I roce1ved the following from !o'r s.

L6on1o Edwards (nee Praegor) :"Dear Rudolf •

-----------------------My father Tras not connected \rl. th any musical char! ty

in particular, but he often gave in answer to boggingletters - of which ho received many, and I am afraid not
all wore from legitimate poor peopl e .
father's advice to
~

~agnor

I am sure my

would have been good, e specially

This story only occurs 'in the Gorman edition.
In making
tho translation of his book into Gorman, Praoger inserted
a few items that ho had not remembered when writing tho
original English text.

�123

"as he knew how free Wagner was with his money! "
It is indeed notorious that Wagner, to speak plainly, did
not know how to handle money, although his first \Tife kne\v how
to manage with it extremely well.
In .view of Chamberlain's persistent attempt to reduce
Praeger to a mere "obscure piano- teacher", it is perhaps as well
to point out that in London, where he lived, he was one of' t he
best- knO\m figures in the musical world, and that he was widely
known in his lifetime as a concert player, critic, writer and
composer • although as regards t he latter he was f or t he most
part r egarded as not very successful; but how f ar t h i s is due to
the actual quality of' his works it must be left to future
generations to determine, when t hey know not only the few works
that Praeger was able to get perf ormed, but also the great
majority t hat never were performed.
To substantiate these remarks, let a few quotations be
adduced from various obituary notices.

Tho Times (3. 9 . 91)

referred to him as a "well-known musician", specified various
of' his compositions, and mentioned those not yet published.

The

Dally News (3. 9 . 91 ) raters to him as being mainly "a highly
successful teacher, one of the earliest and most constant
champions of the \'IOrks of Richard Wagner, and an experienced and

.

able writer and critic".

(N. B. l'raeger's "Wagner As I Knew

lf1m" had not yet been published).

The Globe (3. 9 . 91) gave a

summary of his different activities and achievements.

The St .

James ' s Budget, in reviewing "Wagner As I Knew Him" refers to

�124

h1m as "a composer and writer of great abil ity".

But as

Chamberlain carefUlly avoided making enquiries ab out Praeg er 1n
tho right quarter11. bow could h e know whO; Praeg er 1 8
London really was?

--------------

8

ta tus in

�125
CHAPTER

XXII.

Praeger 1 a Visit to Triebschen in 1871 .

-----------------------·-------------On p . 144 of hio book, Chamberlain wroto about Praeger

¢

with would-be sarcasm, saying "His worldly experience seems also
to have been advantageous to tho machinery for tho music-drama
'Rheingol d ' "·

Apparently Chamberlain rororrod to some advice

given by Praeger to \'lagnor on the subject, but this account is
only contained in tho suppressed German edition, of which I have
not yet boon able to procure a copy.

As to Chamberlain ' s

foolish attempt at sarcasm, it has already been pointed out
sufficiently that Praogor was a man or wide attainments
exceptionally plain- spoken.

and

Did Chamberlain really imagine t hat

Praoger would cringe to Wagner as would have been dono by a mere
Chamberls!n, who moreover was not a musici an?

Did Chamberlain

really imagine t hat Praeger knew as little of music as he himsel f
did?
In

tho German edition Praoger quotes some worda or Wagner

implying that the latter did not hol d a very high opinion of
Liszt 's compositions.

Chamberlain quotes tho wor ds "dom gowissen

Talente, wolches man ilnmer morko" i . e . "a certain talent, which
can a l ways be recognised".

This record of Wagner 1 s opinions

caused Chamberlain to take wings on one of his most wildly
strenuous filghts of imagination.

He wrote (p . l 44) :- "Here rears

itself the essentially smal l against tho ossentially great, the

¢

See pr evious chapter .

�126

tho spirit of evil

a~ainst

the absolutel y noble.

the spirit of good, meanness against

That Wagner did NOT say these words (i . e .

about Liszt, as recorded by Praeger) it is unnecessary to prove
here; everyone, who knows the master's life, knows that as well
as I do, thus, as I have sai d, we stand here in the presence not
of a mere invention but of a lie".

It may be left to the reader

to try to understand what difference Chamberlain draws her e
bet\Ve&amp;n an "invention" and a "lie" .

Further, Chamberlain took

advantage of the fact that Praeger added to the German edition
a few items that had been overlooked when

v~iting

the original

English edition, to say that a11 that was not in the latter had
·

developed itsel f meanwhile in Praegor's mind "as being fitting
and s easonable .

So did this man of honour write history".

This requires the right ansv1er .

In the f irst place, it is

a fact, apparently unknovnt to Chamberlain, t hat trained
musicians who have been through e. proper training in composition,
and learned its technique, can and do discuss music, more
especially from the constructive or'architectural " side, with a
greater freedom and ease than uith ls:ymen who would need continual expl anation.

To a man like Praeg er, Wagner would ex-

press many opi nions on music not only with t he utmost fre edom,
but also with l ess r egard for personal considerations than in
his or dinary social circl e - which lat ter included Liszt .

And

in the second plac e, vthat pretensions has Liszt to be r egarded

¢

I commend this passage to posterity for its amusement .

�127

as a great composer?

And did Chamberlain really

Wagner in 1871 lmew s o little of lliUBic as
bo1ng a great composer?

to

~ag1ne

that

regard L1szt as

As for Praegor, his laudable bluntness
rj

regarding tho too groat pretensions of inferior works was one of
the qualities that raised onamies against him.

------------

¢ cf.Praeger 1 s opinions upon the uorks of such inferior composers as Lucas and Onslow, which seem to have hurt the
national pride of Ashton Ellis (V. 155- 6) Ashton El l i s does
his bast to ll!ake Praeger alone responsible for \'/agnor 1 s
opinions on England as if Ylagner never discussed anything
w1 th Sainton, Lude1•s, Klind•rorth, Berlioz and others, and
had no powers of observation of his own!

�128

CHAPTER

XXIII.

On a Certain Interpolation in a Quoted Extract.

---------------------------------------------•

Al though this chnptor has nothing to do with Chamberlain
himsel f , I will ask tho reader to tolerate it on account of i ts
bearing on Praeger's reliability.
In the Musical Standard of May 26th. 1894, Ashton Ellis
wrote as follows: "If

she (tme. Praeger ) \Till turn to p . 266 of hor husband ' s

book, she will find a l ong quot ation from the "Muaical World" of
JUne 30th. 1655, in which after "t.len like Liszt" , Fer dinand
Praeger has interpolated - "the Apostl e of ne1mar
Praeger ".

~

This interpolation is very curious .

and

Professor

Having known Praeger

for as ll'.any years as I di d , I know that such an absurd entry
coul d not possibly have been meant seriousl y .

Praegor was es sen-

tially an honest man; and anyone who imagines that Pr aeger could
real ly have intended such a deliberate addition, moreover one so
easy to detect (tho name and date of tho newspaper are actually
given in Praeger ' s book ! ) must be more innocent than a baby.
How, then, could such an i nterpol ation hnve crept into the
text?

Ashton El lis, on this occasion as on others, could not

see that there was a simple solution o f the matter .

In making

his copy tor the "Uusical r.orl d" of 1655, Praeger's tooling of
sarcasm seems to have got tho upper hand , and he added his
~

See the l atter part of this chapter .

�129

jesting comment, as some

~~iters

sometimes do.

Then, some 30 or

more years later, on copying out his old llS. for his new book,
he seems quite to have forgotten that the l ittle sarcasm or so
long ago had i .n reality been his own.
It must always be remembered that Praeger ' s book was issued
after his death, and that neither he nor any member of his family
had the chance or revising it.

!lor, unhappily, were any quota-

tions checked.
\'las there any reason why Pr aeger should refer to himself
jestingly as a proressox•?

L:ost certainly there was!

It

will

be remembered that the chief leaders of the anti-Wagner campaign
were Chorley (critic of the At henaeum and the Musical World) and
Davison (editor of the Musical \'!orld and critic of the Times) .
Davison believed himsel f to be facetious, and in an article i n
the "Musical Vlorld" of

l~areh

24th. 1855, referred to Praeger as

"Professor Praeger, of Hamm" (Ellis' "Lire" V. 61) , a name he used
also subsequently.

Hemm meant apparently either a small German

town, or a district 1n Prussia of about 450 square kilometres;
presumably Davison meant to impl y that Praeger came from a place
o.uite insignificant .

As Praeger came from Leipzig, which f'act

was well known to Davison, we may be pardoned f'or not going into
ecstasies over Davison ' s wit .

Davison further refers to a

treatise by Professor Praeger called "Paral lax".

This recondite

joke (if it can truly be regarded as a joke) was based by Davison
on an entirely false assumption that Praeger had changed his
opinions with r egard to Wagner .

"Parallax" is defined in the

�130

19th. Century English Dictionary as meaning "an apparent change
i n the position of an object caused by change of position in the
observer" .
Ashton Ellis

l7as

so delighted with tho paragraph containing

t hose jests

t~~t

retorts".

And he thereupon borrowed Davison's word, and in the

he call ed it one of Davison 's "most Aristophanio

l atter part of his "Life of Wagner" he often termed Praeger

"Parallax" (e . g . V.l25.157 . 354.), just as Davison kept on referrl!lg
to "Professor Praeger".

And not satisfied with this, Ashton

Ellis then went on to call Praeger "Greybeard" instead of by his
proper name.
It never seems

~o

have occurred to Ashton El lis that by

adopting such methods he TTas degrading himself to the level of
Chorley and Davison.

\/hat Vlould Ashton Ellis have said if I had

r egar ded it as a witty crushing of himself and his arguments to
call him not by his proper name but "llr. Heavy-Moustache", or
"Professor El l is of Little Pedlington, who wrote paralogisms"?
Would he really have regarded such "wit" as boing ".Aristophanic "?
So

Praeger ' s referring to himsal f as "Professor Praeger" was

simpl y a sarcastic repetition of Davison 's attempt at sarcasm.

As

for t he "Apos t l e of Weimar", I have not yet traced the actual
expression, but it has its source in Davison's (or Chorl ey ' s)
girding at Liszt.

In his article of Jan. 6th. 1855, in the

"Musical World", Davison wrote: - "in tho dreary streets of Weimar,
\there F'l'anz Liszt reigns , like a musical King Death, and quaffs
destruction to melody and harmony" . (El l is

v.

p . 44 . )

�I

131
A reference was made earlier in the chapter to Davison's
false assumption that Praoger had changed his opinions
r egard to l'iag:nor.

On

~ith

July 24th . 1854, there appeared in the

"Musical Tlorld" ( soo Ellis V. 47) an article oi' Praeger, "in which
ho givos an entertaining account of the Rotterdam Musical Festival oi' that year, and of his journey thither from Cologne 1n a
Rhine atoamboat in canpany Tlitlt a number oi' German
critics.

::~u.sicians and

These kept up an incessant discussion about music 'till

at last' says Praoger

1

I l ost my patience and told them roundly

that thoi1• aukunftsmt:Sik (music of the futuro) was no better than
Deutschland 1 s zulrunft (the fut.ure of Garmany)
Praoger here did not mention \'/agnor .

1 11 •

Obviously ho only

referred to tho sort of musicians who, having no great talent of

%

their own, take up a new cry that they themselves misunderstand;
and who, being unable to hew out a new and original way, cling
to the skirts of ascending, great men who have attracted public
notice.

To prate voluminously about "zukunttmusik", into which

torn; they could road almost any meaning thoy chose, and Ylhich
they could appropriate for

a~

the refuge of many incapables.

bad compositions of their own, was
SUch people tend to be fluent

chatterers , and any intell igent person can realise that they made
poor

~~aogQn

pertoctly sick or then .
•

Ellis's attempt to make out that Praager referred by his
words to \'lagnor h1msol f is morely another instance of mendacious

%

See the letter from Praeger quoted on P• 60 of Ellis

v.

�132

spitefulness; for already in 1845, in his article in the "English
Gentleman", Praeger had most unmistakably given his real opinion
about

Wagne~,

as may ba seen by the extract from that article

given in the appond!x to thio book.

------------

J

�133

•

XXIV.

CHAPTER

..

Miscellanoou.s
________.., ____. _
In this chapter will be considered various separate !toms,
nono of which neods to be troatod of at length.

-1.

Cn p . VIII. of "Wagner Aa I Know i:ila" Praeger stated of his

father

Ron.~

Aloysius Praesor that he was "conductor ot the

fal!X)US Oewnndhaus concert s ns woll as of tho Stadt theater . 11
Cluwborla1n, (p . B9), origi ncll:r m•ote simply that this statement
was not borno out by Y!Orks of roterenco; but 1z. the year 1908 he
added a footnote in general

~buse

of Praeger, and wrote 1n it

"and also tb1s st atement (i.e. concerning tho OolTand.haus) 1s at
variance n1th tho truth." (p . 90).
r~en ~aamborlaln

research had

wrote tho latter - without further comment -

~atnbllehod

tho tact that H.A. Praoger had actually

conducted four concGrts of his O\tn at the Gewandhaus , that were
not in the ordinary regular series.

Of these one was 1n 1814,

one 1n 1815, and tr.o 1n 1821 (Ashton Ellis V,lOS- 9).

As Ferdi-

nand Praeger was born 1n 1815, he was only six years ol d when the
l ast of tho four took place.

Obviously, wbon a small boy, he

heard his father narrate things of Vlhlch ho did not grasp the
sc1ontlf'lco.ll 7f e.xnct
doubt

myth!~

~oanlng.

l.o had of course no reason to

his father told him, and that tho s t atement was

not afterwards verified was the fault not of Praoger himself, but
of Henry Edwards.

It may be added that H.A. Praoger played 5

�134
times as soloist on tho violin at the reaular Gewandhaus concerts.
All thes e 1 t oms are ca.l'efull y

o~1 tted

f'1•om Cha:::'oer la1n 1 s book,

whi ch is sti ll being f reel y sold i n t he year

1~32.

-2 .

In

the l ast psges of his book (181- 2 ) Chamberlain stated that

Praeger was a Jew, which is a prize joke.
forward the theory that

~hat

Chamberlain put

he elsewhere called t he deliberate

malice or Prneger 1 &amp; b~k against Wagner was due, not to a desire
of the Hebrew to avenge Wagner 1 s "Das Judenthum in der l.!Us1k",
but to hio being offended at Wagner's coolness to him in 1877,
during his visit to London.

With the latter malicious lie of

Chamberlain I have already dealt.

But as regards t ho statement

that Pr aeger was a Jow, the following must be recorded .
•

~as

destined in earl y life for the Lutheran church.

Praegor

His mother

was Uiss Davison, a Scotchwoman of the Clan Chat tan, 'llhich was
proscr ibed ; her grandmother on tho same side VIas a !!iss W
hyteOgilvie, a l so a Scotchwoman.

Praeger's father was a meMber of

9$

a famil y l ong settled in Holland, but which came ultimately from
Prag (Engl. Prague).
directl y from Prag.

Tho name Praeger is in tact derived
Among Praoger's ancestors was John Hus(s),

(1373- 1415), the Bohemian rel igious r eformer.
In calling Praeger a Jew, Chamberlain was deliberately trying

to excite the common Gorman race- prejudice against Jews, just as
he tried to excite Gorman race- prejudice by saying that Hatmborger was half Pole (Chap. XIII of this book) and therefore more
~

Ferdinand Praeger 1 s brother Amiel was in the Dutch Artillery.

�135

or less unreliable.

In a year (1932) when the largest political

party in Ge:rrnany are S\70:&gt;n foes of tho Je·.7s , and openly carry the
badge of their enmity, it is not difficult for English readers to
realise that for a century past, to soy no more, the dislike of
Jewa as sunh has bee11 far stronger in Germany than 1n England .
But although I have termod Chamberlain's statement a prize joke,
the hul'IO\U' so far ns its author uas concerned \7as unconscious;
and the statenent itself was due to a very mean union of spite
and deceit.

On p.

1~0

3.
of his book, Chamberlain referred to Praeger s
1

s t atement that his knovtledge or Dutch and Low German (in addition
to High German) enabled him to understand the older Gorman writings
with comparative ease.

And Chamberlain thon flashed out one more

of his gems, saying: - "That again is a phenomenon of a kind that
can only happE'tr;. to a Praogor."
It so happens that there are people 1n this \70rld who know
something of philol ogy.

That Praeger ' s statement was strictly

true is well e.."ld l'7idely known; tho "Privat- Lozente" under whom
I studiad the older German dialects for a semester at Freiburg
U~tversity

told me that it was true ths othor way round, for

having learnt the older Gorman dialects , they could read Dutch
fairly well without having actually studied it as a separate
l anguage.

Chamberlain 1 s nttempt to sneer at l'raegor in this

matter is n:e::oely the self-revelation of his orm. igno1•ance and
arrogance .

'

�lSG

-4 .

15

\'lhat has \tagner written about Praeger?

Among other torms

Wagner roferroc'l to him as "guton nnrrischon 11snschen11 (latter to
August Roockol quoted by Ellis V. 237 of his "Lifo" ; also referred
to on p.l36) ; on anot her occasi on as a "oin narrischer seolens
guter Hypochondri nt" (lottor t o 'Prn':.l Ritter of Oct . 8th. 1857 .
See El lis VI p . 269).
Tho word "nnrrisch ", when uoed i n Gorman in praise (as in
the firot phl"nsll quotad ) or jokingly (as 1n t ho second) dooa
not mean f ool ish; it means odd , droll, funny ; it is used essentially of a man who hs good company.

~

I know Praeger woll ; his

cast of mind tended to be melancholy, but in spite of that he
had a dry humour that was most entertaining .

Wagner ' s descrip-

t ion of him as being melancholy but droll hits him o ff very well.
Ashton El l is wrot e (Vol . V. p . 377) that during Praegor ' s
l ifetime he could only speak of him "from hearsay", except that
he merely saw him a fow times at meetings of the \":agner society,
and once heard him take part in a discussion.
•

Knowing nothing

of Praegor 1 o real nature , he coolly translates Wagner ' s "guton
narrischen Menschen" by the words "amiable noodle" .

One of two

things is evident; either Aohton Ellis was dis ·racefull y
ignorant of German f or one who made such pretensions to authority,
or else he deliber at ely falsi f ied Wagner ' s words in order to

-------------------------------------------------------pJ See aloo \':agnor' a "Msin r..ob on" popula r od1tion Vol. III,
PP • 88- 9, 90, 92, 94, 139.
~

Chamberlain never even saw him.

�137

creat e pr ejudi ce agai nst Praeger among English readers (as also
on p . 269 of Vol . VI) .
On pp . 122- 3 of Vol . V Ashton Ellis refers to an attack on

Praeger made behind his

bac~:

•

A certain refugee from saxony,

Dr . Oorbor, warned \'lagner in t ho sprinc of 1857 that Praogor

(from whom \lagner l ater so often bor rowed monoy) wa s "betraying
him and abusing his confidence" - the al leged grounds for which
are utterly unlmown o.nd cannot oven be guessed at .

'agnor could

not believe it, for he knew Praogor much too well.

Ho wrote

~

however to Karl Klindworth and said that his friendship with
Praogor had not boon intimate, and that Praoger did not st and 1n
such a r el ation to him that he coul d possibl y abuse his confidence .

~his

l et ter, quoted with glee by Ellis, Chamberlain and

Olnsenapp is so much at variance with what is known beyond all
dispute, that it can only be regarded as a doso of diplomatic
soothi ng- syrup proscribed 1n a burry to allay foolish anxieties
or foo l ish jealousies and prevent them from becoming offensive .
In his effort to make peace, tagner apparently stretched a point,

and did not in tho least realise hou future generations might
r egard his

hastily·\~itton

letter .

---------•
Ellis does not oxpluin \Yhy Wagner wrote to Kli ndworth i nstead
or to Ger ber.
In Ellis and Gl asenapp the names Ger ber and Kli ndworth are not
mentioned ; only tho extract from Wagner ' s letter is given .
Vher o is that lottor, and who has i t ? \ihat is tho evidence
for i ts existence or havi ng existed?

�138

-5 .

Wagner, in his own recollections ( "Mein Leben", popular
edition, vol. III, p . 89) says that Praoger, after Wagner's
ar rival in London, at once placed himself at his service in
maldng the "usual visits".

Wagner says, 1n the most unequivocal

terms, that it was Praeger who introduced h1m to both Costa and
Sa1nton (N. B. "L!ein Leben" was not published until 1911).
On

p. l 30 of his book, Chamberlain refers to an account, in

the year 1888, of Sainton's of his f irst interview with Wagner,
in order to discredit Praeger 1 s statement that he introduced
\·lagner to Sainton.

Obviously, after the lap se of so many years,
•

Sainton had forgotten Praeger ' s presence, or else confused a
subsequent meeting with Wagner with the f irst one .

We cannot

doubt Wagner's explicit statement on the subject, confirmed as
it is by Praeger ' s own account .
Equally explicit are Uaener's and Praeger's statements with
regar d to the visit to Costa.

But Ashton Ellis , being in i gnor-

ance of Wagner's own statement , not only scouts Praegor ' s call
with Wagner on Sainton, but also \'ll'ote (vol . V, p . l25) "toget her
with the personally-conducted call on Sainton must fall t hat
paid to Costa.

If such a visit took place at all, it is far more

likely to have been paid in company \ii t h Sainton solus" .

In

view of Wagner ' s explicit statements , Ashton Ellis merely makes
his own bias manifest .
In Sa1nton 1 s articl e reg arding his first interview with
Wagner (Quarterly Review, July 1888) Ashton Ellis, after quoting

�139

Sainton to t he effect that Wagner came in full evening dress to
p ay an early morning cal l , added in brackets in a small type that
was a peculiar affectation of his own, "woul d Praeger have
allOIVed that ? 11

It is difficult to decide whether he meant this

question to be serious or facetious, straightforward or in some
way ingeniously clever.

The fact is, of course, that at that

period - and long after - Germans always made ceremonial calls
in evening dress, no matter what the time o f day might be. Indeed,
it was the custom of some English gentlemen during the eighteensixties, as my mother has informed me.

Ashton Ellis seems to

have been unable to grasp the fact that Wagner 's first champion
in England was genuinely anxious to make as good an impression
as possible, and tt,erefore to act wit h what was regarded as good
form .
It is possible that Ashton Ellis' question raters to
Praeger's advice to Uagner regarding the latters "Hockerhut"
(m1sspelt Neckerhut in Praeger 's uncorrected book - a mistake
that Ellis quotes uncorrected on p. 122 or his Vol. V).

Praeger

insisted on Wagner m.a king his calls in a top hat, and says in his
book (p . 229) "be it known that in some parts of Germany the soft
slouched felt hat had been interdicted by police order a s being
the emblem of revolutionary principles".

Praeger 1 s advice r;as

not only sincere but obviously in Wagner's best interests.

I may

add that my own memory goes back to the time when soft felt hats
were only worn in England by what I was told were "low people";
it was impressed upon me by various of my schoolfellows t hat for
all social purposes "all gentlemen" wore top- hats.

�140

(To be added to
On

9 2 or Chapter XXIV)

Jul y 17th. 1895, Mrs . A. Schreiber wrote to Praeger 1 s

patron (Lord

~sart) ,

and enclosed a translation or a letter

written by Hous ton Stewart Chamberlain, and addressed to the
editor of the "Neue Musik Zeitung" and tho editor or tho "Neue
J.:usikalische Prosso 11 •
In the course of this letter dated May 14th. 1895 or Cham-

berl ain occurs the f ollowing passnge: "Since I have from tho very beginning energetically protested against the unfortunate Jewish question boing drawn into this
matter, I am sincerely glad to learn t hat Pr ao8or was destined
tor a P1•otest ant teaohor .

This does away with ovory suggestion

.

that Ant i - Semitism is to be smolt behind the exposure or Praeger's
scandalous untrustworthiness .

I have the honour to be

Yours faithfull y
Houston s . Chamberlnin.
(Noto .

This l etter was refused by the Neue Uusik Zeitung, but

was pr inted 1n llo. 25 of tho Neue Uusikal1sohe Pre sse) •
I have to thank the owner or the letter for permission
to quote this passage of Mrs . Sohr~er ' s translation •

•

�141

CHAPTER

XXV .

Wognor 1 s Visit to London in 1856 .

-------------------------------l•agnor 1 s visit to England 1n the yoar 1855 to conduct a
sories ot Philharmonic Concerts has been tho sourco of so many
disputes that it is urgently necessary to clear up tho subject
as tar as possible.

It is true that certain Matters of conten-

tion are in thems elves of small importance, but the respective
characters of Praogor and Chamberlain are matters of roal
importance .

What are apparently trifles become of import

regarding tho groat question 11 \Yho told tho truth about Wagner?"
Tho history or Wagner ' s appointment will first be given,
procoded by brief notices of tho chief persons concerned; then
tho evidence for it will be considered, and t h o comments of otherf
subjected to scrutiny.

As for Chanberla1n, tho reader is

referred to pp. 125 soq. of his book "Richard Wagner an

Fordinanc

Praoger" .
I t has alroady boon pointod out that Praoger's definite
championship of Wagner, in Engl and, began 1n 1845 (seo appendix).
In oarly l ife Praoger was a wel l - known concert perf ormer on the

piano; as such, and later on as writer and critic, ho paid
frequent visits to Germany.

.

It is not recorded where he actuall J

saw "Rienzi" and "Der Fliogende Hollander", but he was present
at the first perf ormance of Tannhauser (in Dresden).
~

He read

l'r agnor ' s books a s soon as ho could pr ocure than , and thr ough his
~

Ot course 1n the original Gorman, thoro wore no clnglish
translations for many years .

�142

knowl edge and appreciation or Wagner 1 s books and music knew at
l east as much of Wagner and his achievements as anyone in England,
and pr obably a great deal more .

He spoke onthus iastical l y or

Wagner to Sa1nton and Luders before any of \ Q6ner 1 s music was
f$
performed 1n England, and was known by them to be well- informed
on the subject of Wagner .
Prosp~re

Sa1nton (1813- 1890), a Frenchman, was a violinist

ot note, and one of the seven directors of the Philharmonic
Society, or whose orchestra he was the leader; he did not know
the German language .

Charles Luders was a German musician who

had travell ed with Sa1nton on concert tours throughout Europe .
Mr . O. F . Anderson was a director or the Philharmonic Society,
and visited Wagner at Zurich on Much 18th. 1855 in order to make
the final arrangements .

Goorao Hogarth was the secretary of tho

Philharmonic SOciety.
f$¢

Towards the end of tho year 1844 Michael Costa (knighted 1n
1869) resigned the conductorship of the Philharmonic Concerts
that he had so long held ; and f or a time the Society were in
doubt as to whom to approach for the conductorship next season.
Praeger suggested Wagner, and strongly urged his claims to

f$ The r 1rst performance of any of '\lagner ' s music 1n England was
that of the Overture to Tannhauser at a concert of the New
Phi lharmonic on May 1st . 1854.
Wagner, in his O\m rocoll ections ("~Join Lobon", popular
edition, vol . III, pp . 90 &amp; 93) says that Costa had not meant
tho Philharmonic Society to t ake his resignation seriously,
and that consequently Wagner ' s appointment was "in the highest
degree disgusting" (hochst widerwartig) to him, and made him
Wagner ' s personal enemy.

�143

¢
Sainton; and then Luders added his enthusiasm to Praeger 's .
Sainton t hereupon urged the claims of Wagner upon his fellowdirectors, he himself being the only one or the Philharmonic
directors who had at any rate some knowledge of \7agner .

So far,

of all Wagner 's works, only the Tannhauser overture - separated
from t h e opora that explains it - had been performed in London
(but not at the concerts of the (old) Philharmonic) ; and it had
had bad press notices .

The "Times" of Dec. 11th. 1854 called it

(inter alia) "a piece of vapid r hodomontade".

The "Musical

World" of Dec. 16th. 1854 said that 1t "failed to render itself
The "Times" of May 3rd . 1854 had already come

comprehensible".

out with "The almost impossible overture •• • • would do very well
for a pantomime • • • • It is a weak parody of the worst compositions, not of Mr . Berlioz, but of his imitators.

So much fuss

about nothing, such a pompous and empty commonplace, has seldom
been heard.
In the face of all this, the directors of the Philharmonic

seEm to have wanted more information about Wagner before proceeding further 1n the matter.

Anyhow Praeger, who was at that time

the chief authority on Wagner in Engl and, had an interview with
the directors, and strongly urged Wagner's claims .

¢

The directors

Wagner, in his own recoll ections ("Main Leben 11 , popul ar
edition, vol . III, p . 90) says that Sainton proposed Wagner 's
name to Anderson at Luder's suggestion. He forgot to mention
t hat Pr aeger first suggested Wagner's name to Luders ; but
his speech at the Cannon- Str eet Hotel banquet l eaves no doubt
on the point.

•

�'
144

finally resolved to invite Wagner for a season, but exactly how
far t hey were moved respectively by Sainton ' s and Praeger 's
recommendations is not recorded, nor is the point of importance.
What the reader must carefully bear in mind is th1s, that
whereas i t was Praeger who orig1nally made the suggestion, it
was Sainton who broached t he idea to h1s fellow- directors and,
unlike Praeger, could exert the authority of a director and act
accordingly .
In view of all the conflicting statements that have been
made by partisans, it is now necessary to review the evidence.
In the f irst place it is necessary to refer to the account quoted

in Chapter VI or the banquet given to Wagner at Cannon St . Hotel

¢

on May 22nd. 1877.

On this occasion Wagner, in his speech

proposing the health of Praeger, said before an audience of some
six hundred, that it was to Praeger that he ultimately owed his

¢¢

visit to London in 1855.

When my father wrote his memoir of

Wagner, every statement that he made in it received all the
consideration t hat was necessary in conjunction with my mother;
.
and as the l atter was herself present at the banquet and heard
all the speeches, every statement in my father's account of the

¢

Mme Praeger was in the gallery and heard all the speeches.
This statement of Wagner was referred to in print by the write
quoted in the next paragraph. I should be obliged f or any
instance of other \Yriters referring to it in print that date
from before the publication of Praeger 's book. They are not
necessary for the arg~ent of this work; but for my own
satisfaction I should like to have as many instances as
possible.

�145

dinner and the speeches has the authority of two porsons who
wero actually present .

~

The fact that r:agner had made in his speech this s tatement
concerning his visit to London became of course widel y known; and
in an article on Praoger (see Chap . VII of this book) in the
t~s ical

Standar d of J an . 26th. 1884, thoro appeared the passage

"that great master (i. e . \1agner) in responding to tho toast of
his health , declared befo1•e all, tluit it was Ford innnd Praeger
who had introduced him to London" .
Now l ot us consi der Praegor 1 s own words.

Tho account in

his book, which was published in 1892 is contained on pp.218- 219,
and nood not be consi dered here; for of still &amp;renter importance
as evidence is the pUblic letter of Praeger on tho subject dating
from the year 1888, together with its consequences .
Francis Hueffer , the musical critic of the Times

t~om

1874

to 1889, published i n the year 1889 a volume oalled "Half a
Century of Llusic in England" (Chapman and Hall); and in this h e
gave a description (pp. 41- 42)

or

the negotiations leading up to

tho i nvitation of ·wagner to London in 1855 .

This description

appeared f i r st in t h e Quarterly Review of July, 1888 .

In a

footnote to his description he added the f ollowing : "When tho above statement, founded upon J.lr. Sainton ' a
relation to
~

~~

~e ,

appeared in the Quarterly Review,

~·r .

Ferdinand

I myself was told of Wagner ' s s t atement regarding Praoger (on
~Y 22nd . l 877 ) not only by m1 father , but also by ~ . Alfred
Forman, who was present at the banquet •
.
The account was not written by· Sainton himself .

�146

"Praeger, one of Wagner's early admirers , addressed a letter to
the musical papers, in which the following passages occur: 'On
the str ength of its being a matter of historicnl interest, I
rrould vent ure

to supply the key to this otherwise too emotional

version of the proceedings of the conscientious directors of the
Society in question.

!Jr . Sn1nton had a dear old friend, Charles

Luders, an -excellent musician, albeit of the old school, and I
had the good fortune to be intimate with both.

To these friends

¢

I had suggested Wagner, of whom neither knew even the existence
•••• • • • • When tho directors heard that I had proposed to Sa1nton
t o neme V!agner, I was invited to attend their meeting, where I
gave all the information they required .

This must have been

most satisfactory to them, for I received the voted thanks, and
enjoyed the honour of a "shake hands all round" .

The f irst

correspondence concerning the matter was between Wagner and
mysel f .

111

Hueffer added, "Whether it lias Mr . Sainton or Mr. Praeger
from whose head t he \'lagner idea sprang ready-made, Minerva
fashion, those two gentlemen, who are both still amongst us,
must settle bot..-1een themselves" .
The f irst point to be noticed is this, that Hueffer says
Praeger addressed his letter to the musical papers - not merely
one paper .

I said above that Praeger's letter had certain

¢ This latter clause is written carel essly.

Praeger first
brought Wagner to their notice , but before (possibly long
before) the Tannhauser Overture was first performed in London.
In any case it has presumably been knovm that Costa was going
to retire long before he actually did so . The date of
Praegor 1 s first suggestion of Wagner as a conductor is unknown .

�147
•

"consequences"; they were, that although Sainton lived for some
two years after the appearance of this letter, which had evidently been widely circulated in t he papers as well as appeat•ing 1n
Huerter's book, he never publi cly contradicted one single statement contained 1n it.
During August 1932, I called upon

~rs .

Leonie Edwards (nee

Praeger), and among other things I asked her f or information
about this matter.

She intormod mo, in tho presence of Mr . and

tlr s . Richard Edwards and

L~ba

L!uriel Edwards , that

Prosp~re

Sainton and Ferdu1and Praeger remained the best of friends until
the death of Sai nton; and that it rtas a commonly accepted fact
between Sainton and the Praeger family that 1t was Fer dinand
Praegor who had originally suggested Wagner for the conductorship of the Philharmonic.

But as Chamberlain (and also Ell i s)

carefully refrained from making enquiries about Praeger f rom
most (or all) of those who knew him well, how could they know
such facts as those adduced in this paragraph?
I t must further be added t hat Sainton never publicly contradicted Wagner's statement made at the banquet on May 22nd . 1877,
t hat it was Praoger who was ultimately responsible for his coming
to London 1n 1855.
The second point to be considered is Praeger 1 s statement:"The f irst correspondence concerning the matter was between
Wagner and myself" .

Hero Praoger 1 s memory, a f ter some 30 years,

may have made a mistake; but t h is is not certain.
Geor ge Hogarth, the secretary of the Philharmonic Society,

�148

COliDI!Unicated their offer to Wagner 1n a letter to \7agner which
reached the l atter on D:lc . 28th. 1854 (see \iagner ' s letter 169
to L1szt).

So far ao is known Hogarth's letter 1s not in exist-

ence; but Wagner 1 s reply, dated Zurich 28th Doc . 1854, was placed
at Dr. Hueffer 1 s disposal by W. G. Cusins .

On Jan. 6th . 1855

\lagner wrote to Roeckel for certain advice, and asked h1m for the
address of Praeger, saying "I have also thought of Ferdinand
rraeger, and should bo very pleased if he would look after my
affairs very carefully; for besides h1m I really do not know
anybody

~n

there".

London, nor do I intend to make many acquaintances

On Jan. 8th. 1855, Wagner wrote his first letter to

Praeger (see Ellis V. 68-69) .

In the first sontonce he wrote

"Ich weiss, dass ich :omen vorpflichtet bin" (I knoVI thut I am
under

tul

obl igation to you) •

Further on he wrote "Sie er sehen

dass ich vom Sehretnr dor Philharmon1schen Gooell schatt in
London gefragt worden bin etc . " (you will porcoivo that I have
been asked by the secretary of the Ph. Soc . in London etc . )
Towards the end he asked Praeger, if the lattor QGroed with
father Roeckel regardi ng certain mnttors, to negotiate on his
(Wagner ' s) account with George Hogarth, tho secretary of the
Philharmonic Society.
The date of this lottor, Jan. 8th. has been general l y
quoted as a final proof that Praeger' s statement concerning the
"first correspondence" was a mistake .

But Wagner ' s sentence

"You will perceive that I have been asked etc . " mi£)lt very well
b e 1n answer to a note from Pr aeger warni ng him of the possibilit

�149

And how can Wagner ' s statement at the beginning that he is under
sn obligation to Praeger refer to anything else than the latter's
advocacy to Sainton of Wagner's claims?

Wagner certainly would

not have learnt about Praeger's action from the official letter
of Hogarth on behalf of the directors; and if he did not learn
of Praeger 's advocacy from Praeger himself,wnero did he learn of
it?

That he asks Roeckel for Praeger ' s address does not rule

out the possibility of a note from Praeger; f ox• Praeger may h&amp;ve
written from some place outside of London, for in c.ny case he
had to do a good deal of travelling; ol:' Wagner me.y have mislaid
his letter.

Besides which, Prneger knew that \'lagner'could get

whatever information he wanted about him from the Roeckels.
It must be understood that I have no wish to dogmatise on
•

the matter.

I only wish to point out possibilities that have

been quite overlooked by those whoso chief anxiety has been not
to explain but to vituperate.

I f Praeger \1rOto such a note, and

that note has been destroyed, the point may never be finally
settled; but I have proved Praoger to have been in the right Vlith
regard to so many matters regarding whiCh he has boon so bitterly
assailed, that it is our duty to try to f ind reasonable explanations or those of his statements that may seem at first sight to
be possibly mistaken.

If Praoger makes a positive statement

that 1s not confirmed elsewl1ere, it does not follow logically
that such a statement is necessarily incorrect.

But unhappily

Chamberlain and Ellis keep on plunging headlong into the most

�150

obvious logical fal lacies .
Doforo concl uding the chapter# tho testimony of
Praeger must be considered .

~me .

Ldonie

Sho married Ferdinnnd Praeger in

1849; it was to her and hor husband 1 s houso that Wagner enme on
his arrival in London, nnd it ,.,as their houso thct he f r equented
more than any other duril'l6 the rost of his stay in London . Ashton
B1lis tried to ridicule tho Prnogers 1

tru~

statem~nt

that they

plucod a room in their
house apocially ut l;ho llioposal of llagnor
.
to \lhich t ho l at tor could rotiro 11hen he wanted to be quiet ; but
or course it was just what such kind- hearted people would do,
howovor incapable Ashton Ellis soems to huvo been of understand-

ing such un action.
In tho l.iusical Standard of April 28th. 1894, !.me . Praeger

added her testimony to that of her husband .

or course tme .

Praogor hud hoard every detail or the Philharmonic negotiations
f"r= hor husband at the time .

to a toTI points in her article .

Hero it is only necessary to r efer
She said that she Jmew Sai nton

i'l•om 1848, but that her husband had known him some yoars earlior.
She askod tho question

11

If Suinton was the prine mover, why did

not ''iagnor correspond \71th Saint on?

They both kn&lt;m French".

\7agnor 1 s l ot tors in tho 1-' rench language to

~o .

testimony to tho truth o1' tho latter stat01:1ant .

Praoger are a
She s aid further

on " I t io truo that it 1ms th1•ough the weight and i nfluence of
Sa inton a.s a Dil•eci;or that Ml.' . Praoger suocoouocl, but undountodl y tho inst1ga tor was l!r . Pt•aoger " .
Be ing present on Uay 22nd. 1877 at Cannon s t . Hotel,

~e

�151

Praeger hoard Wagner 1 s own statement

frOl'l

tho gallery.

I may

bore add that I havo a perfectly clear recollection that when my
father during my youth told r o nany things about the musical
history of tho previous half century, he positively tol d me that
Wagner owod his visit to England in 1855 in the first pl ace to
P:raeger ' s recoi!Dl!emation to Sainton.

And ho certainl y told me so

long before the publication of Praeger 1 s book, which only appeared
a row months bofore my father's death in the year 1892.
Lastly, r ororonce must be made to two passages in Wagner ' s
published let ter s .

In .agnor 1 s lettor to Liszt (No . 187 on p .72

of Vol. II o f tho published correspondence) , dated !lay 16th. 1855,
he refers to Sainton, "der auch moine ungluckseelige
ver anl ass te "
London)) •

~rufung

(who also causod my unfortunate cal l (i . e . to
I t is to bo observed that Wagnor says "voranlasste ",

i . e . caused; he does not say "achlugvor"

(proposed it) .

As

Sai nton was a dir ector of the Philharmonic , it was ho who was
responsib)e f or getting the other directors actually to invite
\7ngnor.

Praeger was not a director or tho Philharmonic , and

coul d not possibl y act i n any off icial capacity.

Wagnor ' s s t ate-

mont to Lis.zt (he probably wrote in a hurry and without stri ving
for groat accuracy) does not in tho least invalidate the fact
that it was Pr aeger who fir s t suggest ed War,ner to Sainton, and
subsequently gave the d irectors all the information about Wagner
that be alono i n London was in a position to gi ve .
In his 1908 edition or "Richard Wagner an

Ferdinand

Pr aoger" , Chamber lain al so quotes (i n a footnote on p . l 26) a

�162

sentence trom a letter of Wagner (trom London, dated Uarch 21st.
1855) to Otto \'lesendonk, to the srune etfoct ns the one in his
l etter to Liszt.
The reader can nO\v estimate at its true value Chamberlain's
vulgar abuse or Praeger .

On p . 125 he talks of Praeger 1 s

"gra dual formation of a legend" .

On p. 128 h e says that

Praeger 1 s story of having first written to Wnener "is untrue trom
the f irst word to the last".
your evidence? "

To which wo mny reply "\'/hat is

On p . 126 Chnmbex•lain says that Sninton had

road two of Wagner 's more important books - but Sainton did not
know German!

On

p . 50 of' vol. V. of Ellis 1 s "Li f o" it is

related, in n letter of Wagner to Uesendonk, how Luders, havins
r oad Wn6Der 1 s writinss, "imparted them to Sninton as best he
could".

Also, on pp . l 25-126 of his book, Chamberlain says that

the Overture to Tannhauser had been performed at a concert of the
Philharmonic Society, before it invited Wagner ; this is contrary
to fact, tho overture havins been performed at a concert of' the
New Philharmonic .

----------

�153
CHAPTER

XXVI.

Wagner ' s Visit to London during 1855 .

Continued .

-----------------------------------------------l .

Concerning Ferdinand Praeger and Hector Berlioz .
In tho L:uaical Standard or 28 . 4 . 94, lira . Praegor answered

l.lr . Ashton Ellis r egarding the attempt ot the latter to discredit
Praeger's statement in the "Neue Zoitschrif't" of 1855, t hat he
gave "tho f irst impetus to this engagement", i . e . or Borlloz as
conductor of the Now Philharmonic .

Crs . Praoger quoted a lottor

ot Berlioz to her husband, datod 28 . 11 . 54, pr oving that Praogor
was acting as intermediary between Berlioz and Dr .

V~lde ,

a

director or the llew Philharmonic, but not actually proving t ho
statement called in question by Ellis .

The latter, howover , in

tho Uusi cal Standard of 19 . 5. 94 proceeded to crush Urs . Praeger
(as he thought) by dragging in so- called arguments that are
entirely beside tho point .

Ho said for oxll!ltplo t hat 11essrs . Fox

and Henderson "gave tho f irst impetus" to the creation or the llew
Philharmonic; but llhat has this to do w1 t h the tact that Praeger
originally suggested Berlioz as its conductor?

Further • Mr •

Ellis said with apparent triumph that Berlioz was in England i n
more than ono year botore tho date of Jtrs . Praeger 1 s lotter; but
in what way does this inval idato Praeger ' s original suggestion of
Berlioz as conductor of tho now Philharmonic?
On

page 261 or Praeger ' s "Wagner As I Knew Rim" occurs t ho

follo,~ng

paragraph concerning a mooting or Wagner and Ber l ioz

�154

after tho Seventh Philharmonic Concert (Mny 11, 1855) :"That ovening after the concert our usual meetinG 1ncludod
Berlioz and his wife .
concert.
~

Berlioz had arrived shortl y before this

Botwoen him and \7agner I know an awkward constraint

existed, which I hardly saw how to bridge over, but I wns desirous to bring the two together, and discussing t ho matter with
Wagner, he agreed that perhaps the convivial union after the
concert afforded the very opportunity.

And

so Berlioz came.

But

his wife was sickly; sho l ay on the sof a and engrossed tho whole
or her husband's
early .

a~tention,

causing Berlioz to leave somewhat

He cnme alone to the next gathering . 11

Now it so happens that in Liszt 1 s letter to Wagner of l 0. 7. 5E
he included a l ong extract from Berlioz in vm1ch tho latter said
that he greatly regretted not having been present at t ho seventh
Philharmonic Concert (when Wagner's Tannhauser overture was
performed) on account of having to attend a horrible chorus-rehearsal f or a concert or the New Philharmonic.
All that thi s proves is that Praegor, who was a little too
much inclinod to trust to his memory for dates, mado a mistake
rosarding the date of the meeting described .

Chamberlain howovor

(p .l31 or his book) mado the mistake of date an excuse for trying
to make out the whole of Praeger 1 s account to be an invention,
and adduood, as so often, s o-called arguments that are entirely

beside tho point .
~

Thus

he pointed out triumphantly that \'agner

Wagner had offended Berlioz by his censure of certain recitatives that Berlioz had ad&lt;ied to Weber ' s "Freischutz".
(Wagner . L!oin Loben. Vo1 .1 . p . 265)

�155

and Berlioz first met at Sainton's• when Praeger was not present .
Praeger 1 however. did not cl aim to have made the two acquainted;
he merely said (see above) that lmowing that an awkward constraint
existed between t he two, he was anxious to givo thom an opportunity to become more friendly.
On p.l32, Chamberlain said that in Wagner's lottor to Liszt

ot 5 . 7 . 55

"~agner

speaks of his meetings with him (Berl ioz)

especially ' alone at Sa1nton ' s' • those last 3 words being printed
1n typo spaced more widol y to indicate their importance .

Chamber-

lain tried thus to make out that

agner did not meet Berlioz at

Praeger 1 s, but only at Sainton's .

But anyone who consults the

original text can see that \l.agner wrote wi th respect to Berlioz
"Einigo Tago darouf wnren wir aber allein by Sainton zu Tisch"
(a few days afterwards we were alone at Sainton to dinner).
Chamberlain (p . l32) has so phrased his wor ds as to imply that
v:agnor had various meetings (PLURAL! ) alone with Berlioz at
Sa1nton's - at Uhich Praeger coul d not have been present.

But

once more, 1n any case, in what way can t his artful perversion
inval idate Praeger ' s account?

ponoerning the Introduction of \1agner to Carl Klindwor t h .
2.

On

page 236 of tho English edition of Praogor ' s "Wagner As

I Knew Him" occurs a brief account of a visit to Wagner ' s rooms
1n London after tho f irst Philharmonic concert was over (Uarch
1 2 . 1855 ) .

Praeger wroto: "There were Wagner, Saint on, Luders,

Klindworth (whom I had i ntroduced to i7agner as a pupil of Liszt)

�156

mysel f and wife . "
In the Uu.sical Standard or 19. 5. 94,

~o~r .

Ashton Ellis wrote

as follows: -

"I asked a head or ono of our l argest pianoforte firms to
writo to Dr . Kli ndworth {at Berlin) for an answer to one simpl e
question: \'lh o i nt roduced you to Wagner ?

Very kindly this

gentleman wrote to Dr. Klindworth for me, and tho latter repl ied
direct to myself on the 5th. inst . 1n English, as follows: -

~.

X. writes me that you would like to hear from me, who introduced
me to no.gner.

I

om pl eased to tel l you, Franz Liszt .

pupil from 1852 to

1

Being his

54, he had soveral times montionod my name

and doings to \iagner before the latter came to London.

For this

event he wrote him a special lotter to i n troduce me and when
\Iegner arrived in Loudon h!!, came at once t o mo {9 l!anchoster
St reet) to make my personal acquaintance.
is ut terl y untrue) .

Yours, otc . etc.'

(What Pr aeger relates
The brackets and

i talics are Dr. KJJ.ndworth ' s own. "
How can the cor..tlict1ng statements be reconciled?

l'essrs.

El lis and Chamberlain {p. l 3l ) were much too stupid to hit on the
sol ution, uhich i s obviously as follows: Wngner arrived in London very l ate one evening, going
str ai ght to Praeger 1 s house and on a morning very soon after his
arrival went to soo Klindworth.
~agner 1 s

Praeger had placed his house at

disposal , and f r eely offered h1m his services .

Further-

more Pr aeger already knew Klindwor th, the l at ter having been
i ntroduced to h1m by Theodor Hagen, editor of the Signal, a

�157

Leipsic Journal (See Mrs . Praeger's article 1n the Musical
Standard of 2S . 4. 94).

Wagner was almost a complete stranger to

London; he was in a part of t he town utterly unlmown to him;
moreover he was in a land of which he did not know the language .
To anyone who knows Germans and can realise what sort of people
Praeger and Wagner were (I knew Praeger well myself), it is
utterly

i~ossible

to conceive that Praeger did not go with

Wagner to Kl1nd\\"Orth, even 1f only to keep him from losing his
way.

Praeger, having merely greeted Klindworth, and introduced

Wagner, went away for t he time being, conscious of having
presented Wagner to his friend Klindworth, and being perhaps
quite unaware that Wagner had

0::1

him a letter of introduction

to Klindworth written by L1szt .
Klindworth, on being appealed to after some 40 years, found
or remembered t he letter of Liszt, and forgot t he trifle, as he
\7ell might have done after so long a lapse of time, t hat Praeger
had brought Wagner to his house that morning .

----------

•

�158
CHAPTER

XXVII .

Conclusion.

--------------Tho design of this work, as the title implies , was to expose
the untrue statements made by Houston Stewart Chamberlain, namely
in his book "Richard Wagner an

Ferdinand Praeger" ; and I claim

to have pr oved their falsity .

His book is one that is utterly

scandalous, and it ought to be withdrawn at once from circulation
But I must ask renders to remember the scope of this volume.
Al though I have made it manifest that many of those statements of
Praeger that have been most venomously

atta~~ea.

are perfectly

true, yet I am far from claiming to have cleared up every single
matter in Praeger 1 s book that has been disputed .

I did not

undertake to do so; any effort or the kind would have taken me so
far beyond tho scope ot Chamberlain ' s book, and required so much
time and r esearch, that for the present in any case it was
impr acticable .
'

Unhappil y we cannot question Praoger himself;

also many ot his papers -were destroyed b y him during his lifetime,
and he did not attach as great importance to keeping old papers
as many peopl e do.
In the course of my reading I have met with violent attacks

on various sta tomonts in Praegor 1 s book of ,.,h1ch I cannot yet
see the explanation .

Thus he seems to have given a wrong list

of the operas t hat Wagner conducted in Zurich ; but exact l y what
l ists he happened to have contused is I believe unknown .

Again,

if Ashton Ellis's quoted German text (V. pp . 70- 71) ot Wagner's

�159

first l etter to Praeger is correct, how is Praeger's own different text to be explained?

To refer to a thir d matter, Ashton

El lis s t ates in his "Life" (V . p . l06) that according to the
Rector of 1906 Praeger 1 s name is not to be found on the lists of
the Nikol aischule (School of St . Nicholas),

~hiCh

Praeger claimed

to have attended; but Ellis fails to state to what school Praeger
went; and the assertion of the Rector that the school-lists of
the Nikol aischule for the period of Praegor 1 s alleged attendance
there "are very complete for that period" is a vague statement
of a not wholly reassuring kind; were the lists in general not
complete, and if so, what degr ee of completeness is meant by
"very complete?"

In this connection may bo considered a letter

from Wagner to fa thor Roecltel (see Ellis V. 64) written before
Wagner's visit to England in 1855, saying "For besides h1m
(i . e . Praeger) I really do not lmow anybody in London".

D:&gt;es

the word "lmow" here imply that Wagner lme\v Praeger at school?
Thera are various such points for consideration and investigation.

But vi ewed in the l ight of what I have written, it is

obvi ous that what is wanted is the effor t to find reasonable
expl anat ions, and that the wrong thing to do is to indulge in
mere random abuse .
The world of readers i s at present in great need of tvto
books .

One is a fresh edition of Praeger 1 a "Wagner As I Knew

Him", revised and corrected by a competent author ity.

And the

other i s a final, author itative edition of a l l those l ett ers that

�160

Wagner wrote to Praegor which have been preserved.

I would

express the hope that t hese two books may be prepared with the
l east possible

del~y .

-------:--------P O.S T SCRIPT

During the progress of the Great War, Houston Stewart
Chamberlain changed his nationality from English to German.

If

it be asked "What has that to do with Praeger ?" the ans\'ler is
that it throws a certain light on the character of t he man who
attacked Praeg er malevolently.

�APPENDIX
An

Extract f rom Prae~er 1 s ar ticl e in the
"Engl ish Gentleman11 of October 1845 .

---------------------------------------"The music (i . e . of TannhRv.eer) excels all expectations,
and exhibits a total absence of thnt ext ravagance which det racts
in some measure from the merits of his t wo former operas ; the
first ' Ri enzi

1 ,

wri tten some year s back, and intended for t he

Academia Royal e at Paris, is rather in the bombastic style t hen
i n vogue, and has too much of that noisy i nstrumentation, which
cover s many r eal l y beautiful ideas; nevertheless, it is a

¢
production of gr eat merit. and as the first work of an opera
composer i s, perhaps . unrivalled .

It procur ed him the appoint-

ment of "Kapel lmeister" to the King of Saxony.

Before it

appeared on the stage , he wrote his second. "The Fl ying Dutchman"
foilnded on the wel l - knorm nautical l egend, a roman.t ic opera. t hat
s t amps h1m one of the greatest masters of the age .

It contains

some of the most beautiful orisinal melodies, which, once hear d,
cling to the memory like the strai ns of earl y youth; but his
Tannhauser i s his chef- d ' oeuvre , and forms an era in music, both
as to invent ion and scoring.

The perfor mance was perf ection

i t sel f" , et c .
\~at

criticism could be more just or more clearly written?

And it i s dated 1845 , when nobody had an idea of what Wagner 1 s
future development would be .

Tho anti- Wagner campaign had not

---------------------------------------------¢ Thi s is not cor rect . He had l'II'itten "Di e Peen" (unperformed)
and "Das Lieber verbot" ( a solitary performance at Magdeburg
tmrch 29th. 1836)

�11

yet begun in Engl and, Chorl ey having started it in the Athenaeum
of Sept . 14th. 1850 (the greater part of his article is given in
Ell!&amp;

v.

pp.418 seq . ) after being present at the f irst perf orm-

ance of Lohengrin.

V~en

has either Chamberlain or Ashton Ellis

over wri tten a piece of criticism (not to spoak of pioneer
criticism) of the same length that has equal merit?

Ellis tries

to make out that Praeger was not present at the f irst performance
of Tannhauser , because 10· years later i t slipped Praeger ' s memory
that \'iagner. whom he did not know 1n 1845 had himself conducted
the performance.

�APPENDIX
Orisinal German Text or Extract from my father's
Unpublished Llomoir of Wagner .

-----------------------------------------------"Von Ernsthausen hielt die orate Allgemeine Rade auf don
Leister, an(! proponierte so1ne Gesundheit.

" Ich bin pein Radnor

lfio dieser Aa" eagte er, auf Harror deutend, und. machte e s kurz ah
Wagner

l angorer herrlichor Redo dankto bewegt nus vollern

~n

Ho1•zon, betonte wio or sich orrogt fUhlto o.ua seiner "E1nsiedelei"
in Bayreuth heraus in eino so grosse Ge llel:i.schaft zu treten;
l oider hat ke:n Stonogrnph ae!no \torte rostgehnlten, sie machten
einon tieton E1ndruck &amp; elektris1rten einon jedon Anwesenden .
Bierauf sprnch Dr . Harror in etwo.s extat1schor '1eise, uberre1ohte

.

1hm das Gesohenk &amp; brach bo.ld i n Thranen nus
einom fruhen onde brachten.

~e iater ,

Redo zu

Ich proponierto hiorauf die Gesund-

heit dar m1twirkonden Kunstlor.
e1non grosson

~ie se L~e

Richter dankte, es gabe abor nur

unarmte Liosen etc .

Dor Moister bat nooh

fur einen Toast Ruho (man wnr gospnnnt won or wol nennen wurdo)
und loerte e1n Gl as auf das Wohlo saines "altesten &amp; beaten
Freundet~

.l.n London "H. P6rd1nand Praeger", boi dem er 1855

gowohnt &amp; demer uborhaupt wohl seinen Londoner Dosuoh und spatero
Erfolge moist zu danken hatte .

Praoger danlete goruhrt, dies sei

dor "schonote t ag sei nes I.obens" und pries dann Vlagner 1 s genius
so wc.rm

.

~ogen

die Handa den

1~ond

ambellen, du b1st doch der

g1•osste von Allen" odor so ungefahr, dass dar Meister beim
Sohluss Praeger 1 s Rode uioder aufstand und ausr1ef " Ich rur o
den l!errn Vorrednor zur Or dnung" .

�APPEtiDIX
A Chamber Concert consisting entirel y of Compositions
by Ferdinand Praegor .
At l!essrs . Col~d t : Collard 1 s
Rooll13, 10 Grosvenor Street . Vle dnesday JUly 8th. 1995.

----------------------------------------------------1.
Quartet No . 20 1n F. Mi nor .

Songs.

~· Im

A· "Sonnenoentergang".

Sol o , Piano.
Songs .

Messrs. Josef Ludwig, o. Collins,
A. Gi bson, JA . Koopmann.

-a.
b.
-

· "Auf' den Bergen".

-b .

a.

c.

Miss ktny Aylward .
Frickenhaus .

L!me .

"Ah, who 'll tel l t he wanderer"

)
}

(words by P. Praeger}

~)

"Tho rainy day" (words by Longfellow

Herr Hofler .

MmB Frickenhaus

Sonata . Piano &amp; Violin.
Songs.

l4ai.

"D1o Arnosunderblum 11

t~

Herr Ludwig .

)
}

)

\'lerm ich in doine Augen seh"

11

~lisa

Holen Arn1m

)
)

"Leg ' s Hand chen".
II.

Quartet No . 4 in G.
Songs .

:&gt;ongs.

-a.
-b .
-a .
-b .

Violin Solo.
Songs.

-b .
a.

~e ssrs .

Josef Ludwig, 0 . Collins,
A. Gi bson, 'J. Koopman.

"Twas but i n drosmo") \fords by
)
)

"De'oeption"

F. Praeger

"The midn1S}lt wi nd 11
"1lourn1'UlJ.y, 0 mournfull y"

)
)
)

"Dor 5ch\Toro Abend:'

ACCOlllpaniSt .

J.liss Helen Arnim
Horr Josef Ludwig

Cavat1n1 i n A.

"Drubon goht die

Miss Amy Aylward

Sonnt~"

)
)
)

Herr Hofler

Mr . Ernest Ford .

�APPEnDIX
\':agner 1 s Activities on the Kreuzthurm.
On

--------------------~-----------~----{
pp . 55-6 of Dr. G. H; Muller's "R~nard Wagner in der

l.tai- Revolution 1849 11 (published in 1919 by Oscar Laube in Dresden)
occurs a passage mlich I translate as follows:- "The

V~Brrant

of

arrest of !day 16th. accuses him (Wagner) - with good reason as
we sal7 - of complicity as a principal in t he revolutionary movement.

In the f irst report appearing in the "Leipziger Neue

Zeitschrift fur Musik" on June 21st., after t h e theatre had been
•

closed for 4 weeks up to June 2nd . it is obesrved in rather
malicious words that members of t he t heatrical company had not
t aken part in the f i ght, "only t he Herr Kapellmeister Wagner has
fled, for he seems to have been active in t he rebellion; moreover,
mind1'ul of his high station as Kapellmeister, he vms active on
the Kreuzthurm, ns director of ringing the alarm- bells and of
signalling, whereby his personal safety was less endangered than
on the barricades".
In his book Praeger says in one place (p . 15) that \·/agner
\TaB

courageous, in another (p . 184) that he VIaS not.

These t wo

passages have been seized upon by Chamberlain (p . l 48) as being
contradictory; but presumably Wagner, like most people, could be
brave on certain kinds of occasions but not on others.

---------

�APPENDIX

'

•

Ferdinand Praeger 's Father.

--------------------------¢
Henri Aloia Praeger was born in Amsterdam on Dec. 25th.
1783 .

He became an excellent solo performer on the violin, and

J.lendel 1 s "Lex!kon" terms probably "the last virtuoso in the
guitar" .

He was also a good conductor; for some years •••••••••• •

%¢

he was "J,iu sik-D1rektor" (i . e . chief conductor) of a travelling
company called the "Joseph Seconda German Opera Company".

Joseph

Seconda was manager of the I talian Opera at Dresden; his brother
Franz Seconda succeeded a certain Bondin1 in the management of a
playhouse; and Ashton Ellis (I . 28) states t hat "for some time the
t wo Secondas took turn about vt1th cne another, the Opera coming
to Le1pz1g, the play going to Dresden, and vice versa . "
1nterest~j

An

fact may be recorded by the way; Ludwig Geyer, \'lagner!:

step fa thor, v1as for a number of years a member of Franz Seconda 1 s
troupe of strolling pl a yers.
~:ua1k-D1rektor

In due course H. A. Praeger became

of the "Stadt theater" (municipal play- house or

opera- house) or Leipzig ; then he became 1.1usik- D1rektor in Magdeburg, and subsequently "Kapellms1ster" at the Hanover court-

¢ The s econd name 1s given as Alo1s, not Al oysius, in Mendel's

Musikal1sches Conversations-Lexicon .
The first name is given
in Grove as Heinrich, which is not Dutch but Gel'litan ; the
Dutch is Hendri k.

¢¢

Ludwig Geyer is believed by many to have been Wagner ' s real
fa thor.

¢¢¢ "Zfusik- D1rector" is chief condu.ctor; the word for an ordinary
conductor i s "Musik- D1rigent".

�11

thoG t:t-e.

In German tho word "Knpelle" (borrowed from the

Itnl1an) moant oricinally a musical society; the \70rd "Kapellmoister " should be translated as

'~andmaster"

or (much less

often) "choirmast er" ; not as "chnpelmas tor".
so.ys of

n.A.

Aahton Ellis V. log

Prneger "but Kapel lmeister ho no•1er wns at Leipzig" :

which provokes tho quostion, "i'lho.t did
uor d "K.;.pelllllu1stor " meant?

.:.'111~

'rnll{;ino that the

Did he imagine that tho term

"Kapellmoist or" 1mpliod s0111ething much higher than

11

L!us1kdiroktor·

or that a ·:uai kd1rektor i s not n Kllpol lneinter?
I t has nlready boon recordod in this volume that H.A. Praege.

was conductor or 4 concerts or his own at the Gewandhaus in
Loipzig, that were howovor not in tho regular Gewandhaus series;
and that in tho latter ho appoarod five times as soloist .
H.A. Praege1• diod on AUb • 4th. 1854 •
•

-------

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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
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Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text> Mus. Arc. 46</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>University at Buffalo Libraries believe this work to be in the U.S. public domain. This work may not be in the public domain in other countries.</text>
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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

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                <text>Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891 </text>
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                <text> Mus. Arc. 46</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://library.buffalo.edu/music/about/copyright.html"&gt;Copyright Statement for Digitized Materials from the Music Library&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_001.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_002.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_003.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_004.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_005.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_006.jpg

�State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library -- Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1821-1891 -- Mus. Arc. 46

ubmu0046_431_007.jpg

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Ferdinand Praeger Collection of Scores, circa 1829-1891, consists of 484 items, all but a few of which are manuscript scores. Due to the fragile condition of some of the scores, not every score was digitized. As a result, there are only 472 digitized scores in this digital collection. Two of the additional documents received with the collection were also digitized and the digital collection includes digital copies of documents, portraits, and correspondence about the Praeger family generously provided by the great, great grandson of Ferdinand Praeger, Andrew Leach.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is the largest collection of Praeger's musical manuscripts in the world. Nearly all the scores are in Praeger's own hand. The majority of the works are for piano, but the collection also includes chamber music for strings, large ensemble works, vocal works, and sketches. Praeger was born in Leipzig on January 22, 1815, to a Dutch father and an English mother. As a child, he studied cello, piano, and violin. His father, Heinrich Aloys Praeger (1783-1854) worked as a musician, composer, and conductor. In 1831, at the age of 16, Praeger became a music teacher at The Hague and continued to study piano, violin, and composition. He moved to London in 1834, working as a teacher and traveling to give piano recitals, many of which included his own works. Praeger became the London correspondent for Robert Schumann's music journal, &lt;em&gt;Neue Zeitschrift für Musik&lt;/em&gt;, in 1842. His contributions included highlights of London musical events, reviews of performances, and general discussions about current musical topics.&lt;/p&gt;
Praeger's compositions were performed in cities across Europe, including Paris, Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, and Meiningen. Praeger is perhaps best known today for his connection with Richard Wagner. Following Wagner's death, Praeger wrote the book &lt;em&gt;Wagner, as I Knew Him&lt;/em&gt;, which quickly became controversial and was pulled from publication. Wagner followers disputed the book, claiming that Praeger exaggerated his role in Wagner's life and portrayed Wagner in a negative way. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has been described in a finding aid available at &lt;a href="http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml"&gt;http://purl.org/net/findingaids/view?docId=ead/music/ubmu0046.xml&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>University at Buffalo Libraries believe this work to be in the U.S. public domain. This work may not be in the public domain in other countries.</text>
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                <text>Alone on the shore</text>
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                <text>State University of New York at Buffalo. Music Library</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://library.buffalo.edu/music/about/copyright.html"&gt;Copyright Statement for Digitized Materials from the Music Library&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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